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Saturday, 03/05/2016 2:28:42 AM

Saturday, March 05, 2016 2:28:42 AM

Post# of 482603
5 Myths (And One Big Truth) About Hillary's 2002 Iraq War Vote


ASSOCIATED PRESS

By Jeffrey Marburg-Goodman
02/08/2016 11:06 am ET | Updated Feb 08, 2016

Although Hillary Clinton has many advantages in the current Presidential campaign (advantages of policy, programs, and, yes, personality) surely her greatest strength vis-à-vis her principal primary opponent is in the area of foreign and global policy--including matters of war and peace, global development and economics, our war against terrorism, and even climate change and preserving the environment. This writer believes that the success of the next President in dealing with these issues will define her or his legacy; indeed the survival of the human race may well turn on how these issues are handled over the next eight years.

In the face of Secretary Clinton's undisputed strength in these areas, when Bernie Sanders is asked how his experience measures up to hers in the "Commander In Chief" category, he invariably comes up with a single Talking Point.

Unfortunately that Talking Point, presented in Bernie's shallow vernacular, simply isn't true. It usually goes something like this:

The key foreign policy vote in modern American history was the 2002 vote as to whether we should go into Iraq. I made the decision not to go to war. Hillary Clinton on the other hand, voted for the war...

Like many simplistic and "sound bite" arguments of the modern era, and of Sanders in particular, the argument that Hillary Clinton supported the war George W. Bush prosecuted in Iraq is nonsense. This falsehood can be broken down into five sub-myths.

Myth #1: The 2002 Congressional Resolution authorizing the use of military force against Iraq, on which Hillary Clinton and a large majority of U.S. Senators voted yes, gave George W. Bush "carte blanche" to pursue war against Saddam Hussein.

False!
In fact exactly the opposite is true: While that Resolution did indeed authorize President Bush, under strict requirements of the 1973 War Powers Act, to use force, Section 3(b) of the Act also required that sanctions or diplomacy be fully employed before force was used, i.e. force was to be used only as "necessary and appropriate in order to defend the national security of the United States against the continuing threat posed by Iraq," and to do so only upon the President certifying to Congress that "diplomatic or other peaceful means" would be insufficient to defang Saddam.

Despite those legal conditions, the following year we were at war--and millions of us were astonished that the Bush Administration, running roughshod over Congress's requirements, hadn't given more time for U.N. inspectors to complete their job of searching for weapons of mass destruction.

Myth #2: By voting for the 2002 Congressional Resolution which authorized (but was also designed to limit) George Bush's power to wage war in Iraq, Hillary Clinton cannot be considered a "progressive" Democrat.

False!
On October 11, 2002, Clinton joined a strong majority of Democrats, including liberal and left-center Democrats like Tom Harkin, John Kerry, and Joe Biden, in voting in favor of the Resolution authorizing the use of military force against Iraq. Later on, Clinton came to deeply regret giving President Bush the benefit of the doubt on the Resolution, and she has plainly admitted her mistake. Yet it is a "mistake" which many other senators of conscience made with her; if Clinton bears any blame for the resulting war, it is because she placed too much reliance on legislation that was actually designed to check a president's war-making ability but instead inadvertently gave that president cover to run roughshod over the interests of both Congress and the public at large.

Myth #3: At the time of her vote, Clinton was very supportive of going to war in order to remove Saddam Hussein from power.

False!
While Clinton quickly turned against the war, another piece of "lost history" is the deep concern she expressed at the very time of her vote in the fall of 2002. Given the Resolution's several prerequisites to waging war, Clinton's vote was for a Resolution that was also supposed to restrain the President's ability to wage war, and her 2002 floor speech leading up to consideration of the Resolution made this clear:

My vote is not a vote for any new doctrine of preemption or for unilateralism or for the arrogance of American power or purpose, all of which carry grave dangers for our Nation, the rule of international law, and the peace and security of people throughout the world.

These words presaged the doctrine of "smart power" Clinton later espoused as Secretary of State. Her vision is neither interventionist on the one hand nor hesitant and supine on the other, but rather something in between: a belief that the United States is the indispensable leader--in a troubled world where such leadership matters--but a belief still grounded in reality, the limits of American power and, perhaps most significantly, the importance of collaboration with like-minded actors who can be found in every corner of the globe. Meanwhile, as Clinton has said many times, then as now, armed intervention is only to be used as a last resort.

Myth #4: At the time of the 2002 vote, the "architecture" of George Bush's Presidency was well understood, including a philosophy and history of carrying out pre-emptive wars.

False!
In 2002, Clinton palpably feared a precipitous rush to war, but was willing to trust a leader who at the time was only in the second year of his presidency, having just suffered the most calamitous attack on the homeland since Pearl Harbor--and, notably, whose only international venture up until then was a widely applauded campaign to overthrow the Taliban in Al Qaida's sanctuary of Afghanistan. While it was already well known that Bush had neocon advisers like Cheney and Paul Wolfowitz, the true extent of their influence had not yet been manifested. (Colin Powell was also an important adviser and George W. was, after all, George H.W. Bush's son.)

Myth #5. Hillary Clinton's vote belies support for an "Imperial Presidency" that brooks no dissent, and disrespects Congress and other partners, foreign or domestic.

False!
To the contrary, one of the reasons Hillary Clinton is so well qualified to be president is because she deeply respects the rule of law and, in particular, appropriate Congressional prerogatives and the Constitutional principle of checks and balances. (Indeed, this is precisely why she voted the way she did on the 2002 Iraq Resolution.) In this vein, she is also uniquely capable of reaching across the aisle to forge common-sense solutions, a "progressive who delivers results," as she says.

One big truth: Hillary Clinton possesses another, singular, quality: she has the capacity to learn from the hard lessons that our Iraq adventure taught us, including from the misplaced trust she and others conferred on an Administration that brought so much grief to this country. She has said as much in her memoir, Hard Choices:

As much as I might have wanted to, I could never change my vote on Iraq. But I could try to help us learn the right lessons from that war and apply them to Afghanistan and other challenges where we had fundamental security interests. I was determined to do exactly that when facing future hard choices, with more experience, wisdom, skepticism, and humility.

It is clear that Hillary Clinton is a candidate for president who has learned from the lessons of history, and is capable of applying them to the future; in fact this quality is a critical ingredient of great leadership.

Copyright © 2016 TheHuffingtonPost.com, Inc. (emphasis in original)

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/jeffrey-marburggoodman/five-myths-about-hillary-iraq-war-vote_b_9177420.html [with comments]


--


Vetting Bernie: He Never Voted For Intervention In Iraq — Except Twice



Joe Conason
February 17, 2016 10:57 am

The only topic that preoccupies Bernie Sanders more than income inequality is his vote against authorization of war in Iraq, which he mentions at every debate and whenever anyone questions his foreign policy credentials. Fair enough: Sanders turned out to be right on that vote and Hillary Clinton has admitted that she was wrong to trust George W. Bush.

But the socialist Vermont senator is under fresh scrutiny today on the (further) left, where his support for intervention in Bosnia and Afghanistan has raised sharp questions. In Counter-Punch, the online magazine founded by the late Alexander Cockburn [ http://www.counterpunch.org/ ], his longtime collaborator Jeffrey St. Clair complains that even on Iraq, Sanders is a “hypocrite [ http://www.counterpunch.org/2016/02/16/blood-traces-bernies-iraq-war-hypocrisy/ (next item below)]” who was never as consistently anti-intervention as advertised:

In 1998 Sanders voted in favor of the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998 [ https://www.govtrack.us/congress/bills/105/hr4655/text ], which said: “It should be the policy of the United States to support efforts to remove the regime headed by Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq and to promote the emergence of a democratic government to replace that regime.”

Later that same year, Sanders also backed a resolution that stated: “Congress reaffirms that it should be the policy of the United States to support efforts to remove the regime headed by Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq and to promote the emergence of a democratic government to replace that regime.”


According to St. Clair, Sanders has dismissed those votes as “almost unanimous,” but that implies an absurdly elastic definition of the term. Looking up the actual vote, St. Clair found that 38 members of varying ideology and party affiliation voted no. To him, this means Sanders should be held responsible for the bombing campaign that followed, as well as the deaths of 500,000 Iraqi children who allegedly perished as a result of US sanctions (which seems to absolve the late dictator of any culpability for the sanctions regime, but never mind).

Certainly it is fair to ask Sanders — who strives to distance himself from his rival on foreign and security policy – why he cast those fateful votes to support Bill Clinton’s Iraq policy in 1998.

Copyright 2016 The National Memo

http://www.nationalmemo.com/he-never-voted-for-intervention-iraq-except-twice/ [with comments]


*


Blood Traces: Bernie’s Iraq War Hypocrisy

by Jeffrey St. Clair
February 16, 2016

Bernie Sanders has been tagging Hillary Clinton for her 2002 vote in support of George W. Bush’s war against Saddam Hussein. Here Sanders is closely following Obama’s 2008 playbook, where Obama used the Iraq war vote to repeatedly knock Clinton off balance.

But Sanders’s shots at Clinton haven’t inflicted much damage this time around, largely because there’s so little breathing space between the two candidates on foreign policy. Both Clinton and Sanders are seasoned interventionists, often advancing their hawkish policies under the ragged banner of “humanitarianism.” (See: Queen of Chaos [ http://store.counterpunch.org/product/queen-of-chaos/ ] by Diana Johnstone.)

Sanders supported Bill Clinton’s war on Serbia, voted for the 2001 Authorization Unilateral Military Force Against Terrorists (AUMF), which pretty much allowed Bush to wage war wherever he wanted, backed Obama’s Libyan debacle and supports an expanded US role in the Syrian Civil War.

More problematic for the Senator in Birkenstocks is the little-known fact that Bernie Sanders himself voted twice in support of regime change in Iraq. In 1998 Sanders voted in favor of the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998 [ https://www.govtrack.us/congress/bills/105/hr4655/text ], which said: “It should be the policy of the United States to support efforts to remove the regime headed by Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq and to promote the emergence of a democratic government to replace that regime.”

Later that same year, Sanders also backed a resolution that stated: “Congress reaffirms that it should be the policy of the United States to support efforts to remove the regime headed by Saddam Hussein from power in Iraq and to promote the emergence of a democratic government to replace that regime.” These measures gave congressional backing for the CIA’s covert plan to overthrow the Hussein regime in Baghdad, as well as the tightening of an economic sanctions regime that may have killed as many as 500,000 Iraqi children. The resolution also gave the green light to Operation Desert Fox, a four-day long bombing campaign striking 100 targets throughout Iraq. The operation featured more than 300 bombing sorties and 350 ground-launched Tomahawk cruise missiles, several targeting Saddam Hussein himself.

Even Hillary belatedly admitted that her Iraq war vote was a mistake. Bernie, however, has never apologized for his two votes endorsing the overthrow of Saddam. On the rare occasions when Sanders has been confronted about these votes, he has casually dismissed them as being “almost unanimous.” I went back and checked the record. In fact, many members of the progressive caucus in the House, as well as a few libertarian anti-war Members of Congress, vote against the Iraq regime change measures. Here’s a list of the “no” votes on the Iraq Liberation Act of 1998:

Abercrombie
Bartlett
Brown (CA)
Carson
Chenoweth
Clay
Conyers
Davis (IL)
Doggett
Everett
Ewing
Ford
Furse
Hastings (FL)
Hilliard
Hostettler
Jackson (IL)
Jefferson
LaHood
Lee
Lewis (GA)
McKinney
Miller (CA)
Mink
Paul
Payne
Pombo
Rivers
Rush
Sabo
Serrano
Skaggs
Skelton
Stark
Towns
Vento
Walsh
Waters

So what changed? Only the party in power. In 1998, Bill Clinton was president, pursuing his own effort to takedown Saddam’s government. In Clinton’s State of the Union address of that year he laid the political groundwork for Bush’s war:

“Saddam Hussein has spent the better part of this decade, and much of his nation’s wealth, not on providing for the Iraqi people, but on developing nuclear, chemical and biological weapons and the missiles to deliver them. The United Nations weapons inspectors have done a truly remarkable job, finding and destroying more of Iraq’s arsenal than was destroyed during the entire gulf war. Now, Saddam Hussein wants to stop them from completing their mission. I know I speak for everyone in this chamber, Republicans and Democrats, when I say to Saddam Hussein, “You cannot defy the will of the world”, and when I say to him, “You have used weapons of mass destruction before; we are determined to deny you the capacity to use them again.””

Recall that over the 8 years of Clinton Time, Iraq was bombed an average of once every four days.

Even though Sanders markets himself as an “independent socialist,” in fact, he has rarely dissented against the Democratic Party orthodoxy, especially when it comes to military intervention. That should permanently settle the notion of whether Bernie is a real Democrat. With the blood of 500,000 Iraqi children on his hands, surely Sanders has already won the “Humanitarian Warrior Seal of Approval,” which leaves us with only one haunting question: Was it worth it, Senator Sanders?

Copyright © CounterPunch

http://www.counterpunch.org/2016/02/16/blood-traces-bernies-iraq-war-hypocrisy/


--


Bernie Sanders is not nearly as progressive as you think he is


Jerry Mennenga/ZUMA Press/Corbis

Bonnie Kristian
February 9, 2016

Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) has been doing some serious sub-tweeting [ http://www.theguardian.com/technology/blog/2014/jul/23/subtweeting-what-is-it-and-how-to-do-it-well ] about Hillary Clinton.

Following her ever-so-narrow win in Iowa, Clinton touted [ http://www.vox.com/2016/2/2/10892714/hillary-clinton-iowa-reaction ] her bona fides as a "progressive who gets things done," much to Sanders' distaste. "Most progressives I know were against the war in Iraq," Sanders tweeted, without specifically naming Clinton. "One of the worst foreign policy blunders in the history of the United States."

Indeed, measured against Clinton, Sanders is right to claim the mantle of progressivism. The former secretary of state is (and should be) dogged by her close and profitable ties to Wall Street [ http://www.nytimes.com/2016/02/05/us/politics/hillary-clinton-wall-street-ties.html ] and big business [ http://theweek.com/speedreads/555308/all-bigwig-clinton-foundation-donors-that-also-lobbied-clinton-state-department ], and her foreign policy [ http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2016/01/14/face-it-a-vote-for-hillary-clinton-is-a-vote-for-war.html ] is consistently hawkish [ http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2016/feb/1/bruce-fein-hillary-clintons-appalling-enthusiasm-w/ ] in a style [ http://swampland.time.com/2014/01/14/hillary-clintons-unapologetically-hawkish-record-faces-2016-test/ ] Dick Cheney would admire [ http://www.salon.com/2015/09/10/what_hillary_clinton_wants_you_to_forget_her_disastrous_record_as_a_war_hawk/ ].

But evaluated on the basis of his own lengthy record, Sanders is not as progressive as he makes himself out to be on at least three big issues: guns, criminal justice reform, and — despite the Iraq vote — foreign policy.

Sanders' mixed history on guns is a chink in his progressive armor that Clinton aims at [ http://www.theguardian.com/us-news/2016/feb/03/clinton-puts-focus-on-gun-control ] whenever she has the chance. "If we're going to go into labels, I don't think it was particularly progressive to vote against the Brady Bill five times," she said [ http://theweek.com/speedreads/603794/hillary-clinton-defends-progressive-credentials-questions-bernie-sanders-voting-record ] at the latest debate. "I don't think it was progressive to vote to give gun makers and sellers immunity."

Sanders often sounds like a gun control hardliner. "The president is right: Condolences are not enough," he said [ http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/bernie-sanders-gun-control_us_56105dade4b0af3706e1181f ] after a shooting this past fall. "We've got to do something … We need sensible gun control legislation." But Clinton's claims are still basically accurate. Per this Politifact tally [ http://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/statements/2015/jul/10/generation-forward-pac/did-bernie-sanders-vote-against-background-checks-/ ] of Sanders' significant gun votes in Congress, he backs additional control about half the time, albeit with a trend toward more gun regulation in recent years. Sanders' staff has tried to explain [ http://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/statements/2015/jul/10/generation-forward-pac/did-bernie-sanders-vote-against-background-checks-/ ] his comparative conservatism here as part and parcel of representing Vermont, a left-wing but gun-friendly state, but either way, his is hardly a super-progressive record on guns.

Then there's criminal justice reform, an issue which has netted [ http://www.upi.com/Top_News/US/2016/01/16/Sanders-endorsed-by-Black-Lives-Matter-activist/7361452980696/ ] Sanders the endorsement [ https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2016/01/29/black-lives-like-my-fathers-should-matter-in-america-thats-why-im-endorsing-bernie-sanders/ ] of several well-known figures in the Black Lives Matter movement. Speaking in New Hampshire the same day as the subtweets, Sanders vowed, "There will be no president who will fight harder to end institutional racism" than he will.

"We have got to reform a very, very broken criminal justice system," he added [ http://theweek.com/speedreads/603465/new-hampshire-bernie-sanders-discusses-spirituality-criminal-justice-reform ]. "It breaks my heart, and I know it breaks the hearts of millions of people in this country, to see videos on television of unarmed people, often African-Americans, shot by police. That has got to end."

The rhetoric is right. But Sanders' record says otherwise [ http://thefederalist.com/2015/11/03/bernie-sanders-voted-for-criminal-justice-measures-hes-denouncing/ ].

For instance, Sanders sounded [ http://www.dailykos.com/story/2015/08/09/1410122/-Senator-Sanders-remarks-on-1994-Crime-Bill ] a similar note back in April 1994, decrying America's ballooning prison population and its ties to poverty. But just one week later, he voted to pass the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994 [ https://votesmart.org/bill/2673/8308/27110/violent-crime-control-and-law-enforcement-act-of-1994 ], a centerpiece [ http://www.npr.org/2014/09/12/347736999/20-years-later-major-crime-bill-viewed-as-terrible-mistake ] of Bill Clinton's "tough on crime" shtick, which, among other things, mandated a life sentence for anyone convicted of three drug crimes; expanded the list of death penalty crimes; lowered the age at which a juvenile could be tried as an adult to just 13; and appropriated billions to expand the prison system and hire 100,000 new [ https://www.ncjrs.gov/txtfiles/billfs.txt ] police officers.

That's the biggest blot on Sanders' criminal justice record, but it's not the only one. In 1995, he voted against a measure [ https://www.govtrack.us/congress/bills/104/hr728/summary ] which would have prohibited police acquisition of tanks and armored vehicles like those he critiqued [ http://www.dailykos.com/story/2014/8/20/1323382/-Bernie-Sanders-Responds-To-Ferguson ] in Ferguson. Likewise, in 1998, Sanders prioritized gun control over prison reform and voted for [ https://votesmart.org/bill/2915/8175/27110/minimum-sentences-for-gun-crimes ] mandatory minimum sentences for crimes where the offender carried, brandished, and/or fired a gun. The gun in question doesn't have to be used for the criminal act, so, for example, a nonviolent crime like smoking pot while carrying a legally owned weapon would trigger [ http://www.mcall.com/news/local/easton/mc-pennsylvania-mandatory-minimums-unconstitutional-20150523-story.html ] the mandatory minimum.

Now that criminal justice reform is en vogue, Sanders has shifted — but it's an uncomfortable fit. His responses to Ferguson highlighted [ http://www.sanders.senate.gov/newsroom/recent-business/nyt-learning-from-the-ferguson-tragedy ] poverty more [ https://votesmart.org/public-statement/914062/msnbc-the-ed-show-transcript-ferguson-missouri ] than police [ http://thehill.com/blogs/floor-action/senate/215648-sanders-ferguson-shows-need-for-black-unemployment-bill ] brutality; and the bill [ http://www.sanders.senate.gov/newsroom/press-releases/sanders-house-leaders-introduce-bill-to-ban-private-prisons ] to ban private federal prisons he introduced this past fall had a clearer connection to his socialist economic policies than anything else. Alex Friedmann of the Human Rights Defense Center, whom Sanders consulted in crafting the proposal, says [ https://www.themarshallproject.org/2015/10/01/ask-bernie-sanders-about-criminal-justice-he-ll-talk-about-economics ], "It appears to be more for political purposes than to actually address the many problems in our criminal justice system."

Finally, foreign policy. Sanders regularly touts his vote against invading Iraq in 2003, and that is unquestionably to his credit. But then there's the rest of his record on matters of war and peace, which figures heavily [ http://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2015/10/12/pers-o12.html ] into the wariness many actual socialists maintain [ http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2016/02/why-socialists-cant-wait-for-bernie-to-lose-213593 ] toward Sanders' campaign.

As Stephen M. Walt writes [ http://foreignpolicy.com/2016/02/02/the-big-5-and-the-sad-state-of-foreign-policy-in-2016-sanders-clinton-trump-cruz-rubio/ ] at Foreign Policy, Sanders is hardly "a reflexive dove." He intends to retain [ http://thehill.com/policy/national-security/252270-sanders-i-wouldnt-end-drone-program ] President Obama's drone program if elected. He voted [ http://www.globalresearch.ca/does-bernie-sanders-imperialism-matter/5499541 ] in favor of Clinton's pet intervention in Libya, in favor of the interminable war in Afghanistan, and even in favor [ http://socialistworker.org/2006-2/610/610_11_BernieSanders.shtml ] of multiple funding measures to maintain the war in Iraq — a repeated "yes" to bankrolling the very conflict he so often boasts of opposing.

Sanders also speaks enthusiastically of coalition-based wars. "I would say that the key doctrine of the Sanders administration would be no, we cannot continue to do it alone; we need to work in coalition," he said [ http://www.nbcnews.com/politics/2016-election/transcript-msnbc-democratic-candidates-debate-n511036 ] at the last debate. In practice, though, that doesn't mean no more wars; it means [ http://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2015/10/12/pers-o12.html ] non-Americans fighting and dying in pursuit of American goals.

Writing at the socialist Jacobin Magazine, Paul Heideman contends that [ https://www.jacobinmag.com/2015/11/bernie-sanders-socialism-franklin-roosevelt-four-freedoms-economic-bill-rights/ ] though "Sanders is willing to criticize many of the most egregious over-extensions of American empire" — like the invasion of Iraq — "it seems he has no interest in contesting the American suppression of democracy across the globe." The candidate cheered King Abdullah II of Jordan for his opposition [ http://www.newsweek.com/2015/02/27/jordan-goes-all-against-isis-how-long-306093.html ] to ISIS, of which Heideman snarks, "It is never a good look for a socialist to praise a monarch."

More broadly, it is never a good look for a progressive to have such an uncertain record in three major policy areas. Running against Clinton, Sanders can rightfully lay claim to progressive voters' support. But they could be forgiven for suspecting he is less one of their own than his tweeting suggests.

Copyright 2016 The Week (emphasis in original)

http://theweek.com/articles/603044/bernie-sanders-not-nearly-progressive-think


===


this is part 3 of a 6-part repost of http://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=120897208 -- part 2 of this repost is the post to which this is a reply ( http://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=120986959 ), and part 4 of this repost is a reply to this post -- the '..., see also (linked in)' listing below, common to all 6 parts of this repost, is the listing found in http://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=120897208 , updated to reflect additional posts through the time of part 1 of this repost


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Greensburg, KS - 5/4/07

"Eternal vigilance is the price of Liberty."
from John Philpot Curran, Speech
upon the Right of Election, 1790


F6

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