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Saturday, March 05, 2016 2:11:19 AM

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Bernie Sanders Has a Secret


Erik Borg/The Vermont Freeman

Vermont, his son and the hungry early years that made him the surging socialist he is today.

Bernie Sanders, the Early Years

Photos of the Democratic candidate from his college years to his time in Congress.
http://www.politico.com/magazine/gallery/2015/07/bernie-sanders-the-early-years-210221


By Michael Kruse
July 09, 2015

One morning last month in Burlington, Vermont, at the law office of John Franco, one of Bernie Sanders’ best friends since the 1970s, Franco talked to me at length about Sanders’ commitment and his consistency and his charisma. Even at the beginning of Sanders’ career, he said, four decades before he started packing arenas in college towns and liberal havens as a renegade 73-year-old, self-described socialist taking on Hillary Clinton and the Democratic Party establishment, “People didn’t want him to stop talking.” He talked about how Sanders “completely changed the political culture” in Vermont. He talked about how Sanders’ surprising current surge in national polls is “validation.”

“I’m proud of Bernard,” he said.

All of that was interesting. But I wanted to know not just about what Sanders has done. I wanted to know more about who he has been. So I asked what I thought was an innocuous question about Sanders’ son. How did Sanders juggle aspirations as an eager political activist with his role as a divorced young father?

“That’s out of bounds,” Franco said.

Out of bounds?

“It’s none of your f—-ing business,” he said. He smiled, but he wasn’t joking.

It’s always been that way with Sanders. The issues. The issues. Stick to the issues. The rich are too rich. Those with power have too much. The middle class is withering. Inequality is a crisis, and the system is rigged. With Sanders, what you see is what you get, insist the people who know him best — and that’s almost all you get.

But if his positions are well known, the person, it turns out, is less known. Before Sanders was a U.S. senator, before he was a congressman, before he was mayor of Burlington — before he won one shocking election, then 13 more — he was a radical and an agitator in the ferment of 1960s and '70s Vermont, a tireless campaigner and champion of laborers who didn’t collect his first steady paycheck until he was an elected official pushing 40 years old.

In his chosen home, a state that at the time was morphing from one of the country’s most resolutely conservative to one of its most reliably liberal, the New York City-raised Sanders found an environment that suited him: a tolerant, loosey-goosey era and place, but with an abiding Yankee sense of privacy. It allowed him to focus on what fueled him without being forced to discuss publicly significant details about his personal life — like his meager finances, his bare-bones living arrangement, and the fact that the mother of his one biological child is not his ex-wife. That’s a surprise to some who have known him for decades. It’s also very much a product of an unwritten compact between Sanders, his supporters and local reporters who have steered clear rather than risk lectures about the twisted priorities of the press.

That these kinds of basic biographical details could emerge now, almost 44 years after he first ran for office, is a point of sharp contrast with the woman he’s running against, and gaining on. Clinton just might be the most unceasingly scrutinized citizen of her generation — while, of all the 2016 presidential candidates, Sanders, public figure and private person, is a rarity on the national stage: the known unknown.

***

Sanders’ life in electoral politics started on Oct. 23, 1971, in Plainfield, Vermont, in the library of Goddard College, a campus that doubled as a lefty hot spot, when the nascent anti-war Liberty Union Party was looking for someone to run for U.S. Senate. Sanders was barely 30 years old. He had thick-rimmed glasses and dark, curly hair, and his toddler son, Levi (pronounced LEH-vee), was seated in his lap. Sanders raised his hand.

“We didn’t have a lot of choices, and he was willing to do it,” John Bloch, a party member who was at the meeting, told me on the phone.

“Liberty Union was running anybody and everybody they could find,” Martha Abbott, another party member who was there, said when we met in her office in Burlington.

“Sanders said, ‘You know what? I’ll try it. What do I have to do?’” Peter Diamondstone, one of the party’s founders, told me at his home in the woods in Dummerston, Vermont, near Brattleboro.

Early in his first campaign, Sanders would say later, he was so nervous during a radio interview the microphone picked up the sound of his knees knocking the table. “A strange thumping noise traversed the airwaves,” he would write in 1997 in Outsider in the House, the closest he has come to an autobiography. “And the few calls that came in expressed no doubt that this career was to be short-lived. ‘Who is this guy?’ one of the listeners asked.”

Sanders had grown up in Brooklyn, in Flatbush, in a three-and-a-half-room walkup. He was lower middle class, the son of a housewife and a Polish immigrant who sold paint. He was Jewish. He was, he once said, “very conscious as a kid that my father’s whole family was killed by Hitler.” He was cut from his high school basketball team, which wounded him, but he was good on the track team. He could run and run.

After he graduated from James Madison High School in 1959, he went to Brooklyn College for a year before transferring to the University of Chicago, where he joined the Congress of Racial Equality, the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, the Student Peace Union and the Young People’s Socialist League. He read psychology, sociology and history. He read Marx, Lenin and Trotsky. He demonstrated against segregated housing owned by the college and against the city’s segregated schools – the latter getting him arrested and charged with resisting arrest for which he ended up paying a $25 fine. He met a woman who would become his wife. In 1964 he graduated with a degree in political science and got married in Baltimore.

That summer, not quite 23, he and his wife, Deborah Sanders, bought for $2,500 some property in Vermont, near Montpelier in the town of Middlesex off Shady Rill Road, according to property records. He wanted to live in the country, he has said, and had some inheritance money from his father, who had died in 1963. They spent parts of the next few summers on the property, living in what had been a maple sugar shack with a dirt floor. The marriage ended only two years after it began, in 1966.

He bounced around for a few years, working stints in New York as an aide at a psychiatric hospital and teaching preschoolers for Head Start, and in Vermont researching property taxation for the Vermont Department of Taxes and registering people for food stamps for a nonprofit called the Bread and Law Task Force.

By 1968, he was living in Vermont full time. On March 17, 1969, according to records, Sanders bought another property, in out-of-the-way Stannard, with a population of fewer than 200 people, in the rural area of Vermont called the Northeast Kingdom. Four days later, Levi Noah Sanders was born, at Brightlook Hospital in St. Johnsbury, Vermont; according to his birth certificate, his mother was a woman named Susan Campbell Mott.

Sanders had met Mott in New York and lived with her there. He lived with her in Stannard, too, but not for long before moving to Burlington, Vermont’s biggest city. Raised in New York, educated in Chicago, Sanders’ deep-woods idyll was over. Burlington, according to Liberty Union archives and campaign finance records, is where he lived when he started running for office.

Sanders was “not a politician,” he said at the start, but he nonetheless possessed characteristics that would make him a successful one. He could be prickly and yet captivating. He had a way of being somehow simultaneously doom-and-gloom and inspirational. Even though he considered his personal life off limits, he still relentlessly solicited attention, sending to newspapers and radio and TV stations onslaughts of typewritten press releases that could read like screeds. And even though he had little appetite for chit-chat, he still loved to campaign, and he did it tirelessly — traipsing around the state in his drab blue, Bondo-bound Volkswagen bug without working windshield wipers, showing up at newspaper offices and asking to be interviewed, visiting prisons and power plants, talking at schools and churches and inside people’s homes, and talking and talking and talking.

He ran on the Liberty Union ticket for Senate in a special election in early 1972, and for governor later in 1972, and for Senate again in 1974, and for governor again in 1976, never getting more than 6 percent of the vote.

Liberty Union was a ragtag new party — small, anti-war, left-wing — that existed only in Vermont. Some people called it a socialist party, but it had no official affiliation. Sanders and other members had generally egalitarian sensibilities, advocating for the young, the old, the poor and the rights of women and workers. Sanders was more Old Left than New Left, “a 1930s radical, not a 1960s radical,” as Garrison Nelson, a University of Vermont political science professor, would later put it. He was not a hippie. He did not live in a commune. He considered himself a radical, a third-party independent, but he didn’t call himself a socialist. The Liberty Union, he thought, was “a reason to knock on doors,” “a good way to organize and educate people.”

He had, already, the consistency of a piston.

“In America today,” he told the Bennington Banner in late 1971, “if we wanted to, we could wipe out economic hardship almost overnight. We could have free medical care, excellent schools and decent housing for all. The problem is that the great wealth and potential of this country rests with a handful of people …”

“A handful of people own almost everything … and almost everybody owns nothing,” he wrote in the Liberty Union newsletter called Movement in 1972.


From a 1973 radio address by Sanders.

“There are two worlds in America,” he said on a radio show called Vermont Spectrum in 1973.

By 1974, around Vermont, from Rutland to Barre to White River Junction and all the way up to the Canadian border, Sanders was impossible to ignore. His worldview was clear. So was his M.O.

“He’s a unidirectional wind-up — I don’t want to use the word toy, because he’s nobody’s toy, but he’s a growler,” said Denny Morrisseau, an anti-war activist who was a Liberty Union member in the early ‘70s. “Straight ahead, growl. Straight ahead, growl.”

The radio shows. The newspaper quotes. FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE.

“… the rich are getting richer and the poor are getting poorer and the vast majority in the middle are having a harder and harder time …”

“… and the situation is getting worse …”

“This,” he wrote in one of his releases in 1974,” is the burning and fundamental issue of this campaign.”

Of every campaign.

***

His message was clear and unwavering. His private life, meanwhile, was complicated and less settled.

He shared custody of his son in an informal arrangement with Mott, according to people who knew them. “She was around a lot,” Nancy Barnett, a friend who lived nearby, told me. Barnett called Mott “a pretty quiet, private person.” Sanders rented a small brick duplex at 295 1/2 Maple Street that was filled with not much furniture and not much food in the fridge but stacks of checked-out library books and scribbled-on legal pads. His son, who called his father “Bernard,” had an upstairs bedroom.

“Pretty sparse,” Gene Bergman, an old friend, said about the apartment.

“Stark and dark,” said Darcy Troville, a fellow Liberty Unionite who lived around the corner and shared with Sanders homemade jellies and jams.

“The electricity was turned off a lot,” Barnett said. “I remember him running an extension cord down to the basement. He couldn’t pay his bills.”

He worked some as a carpenter, although “he was a shitty carpenter,” Bloch told me. “His carpentry,” Morrisseau said, “was not going to support him, and didn’t.”

He worked as a freelance writer, putting intermittent pieces in the low-budget Vermont Freeman, a Burlington alternative weekly called the Vanguard Press and a glossy, state-supported magazine called Vermont Life.

The standards of the Freeman were not strict. “It was always fun to see what came through the mail,” said Jennifer Kochman, one of the editors when Sanders was a contributor. The recent uncovering of something he wrote in an issue from February 1972 created a burst of news coverage. It was a jumbled rant about gender roles that mentioned masturbation and rape, but even in Sanders’ commentary on the sexes he reverted to his central theme of injustice: “Slavishness on one hand breeds pigness on the other hand. Pigness on one hand breeds slavishness on the other.”

His writing wasn’t a living. The Vanguard paid as little as the rest. “It would’ve been not more than 50 bucks,” said Greg Guma, a former editor. Vermont Life? “Our rate was 10 cents a word,” said Brian Vachon, a former editor.

“He was always poor,” Sandy Baird, another old friend, told me in Burlington.

“Virtually unemployed,” said Nelson, the political science professor at the University of Vermont.

“Just one step above hand to mouth,” said Terry Bouricius, who was involved with Liberty Union, served at times as a de facto campaign manager for Sanders and at one point crashed for a couple months on his couch.

Liberty Union “people found it difficult to support themselves while engaging in full-time political work,” Michael Parenti, one of those people, wrote in the Massachusetts Review in the summer of 1975. “Some held jobs that allowed free time for campaign activities, while others lived off unemployment insurance.”

Sanders, according to an article in 1974 in the Bennington Banner, was one of them. He was on unemployment for a few months in 1971. In subsequent Liberty Union campaigns he advocated for “the doing away with all time limitations for unemployment benefits.”

“His work was to be a politician,” Guma said. “He put everything into what he was doing.”

“I don’t know what he did for money,” Troville said. “Everything was always campaigning. Everything was always organizing. Everything was always writing.”

“He was totally involved in his attempts at running for office,” Marvin Fishman, who knew him at the time, told me on the phone.

In 1977, though, weary of running and losing, his hair turning gray, he quit Liberty Union. The party had stalled, he believed, its members talking more to each other than to potential voters. He needed to try to make a better, more stable living, but didn’t want to give up a platform from which he could preach.

He started a business out of 295 1/2 Maple, making low-budget films about people, places and events in Vermont and New England history that he felt were getting short shrift in the region’s schools. American People’s Historical Society, he called it — “a newly formed nonprofit organization producing audio-visual from an alternative point of view,” he wrote in a pamphlet he distributed.

His biggest project was “a 30-minute color documentary videotape,” he wrote in a flier, about Eugene Debs, “the great American trade unionist, socialist and revolutionary” and frequent early 20th century Socialist Party presidential candidate — one of Sanders’ heroes. He priced it at $200 or offered it for rent for $35. He drove all over, like he had running for Liberty Union, inviting himself into schools, meeting people and trying to persuade them to listen.

“It wasn’t just a way to make money,” said Steve Goodkind, a longtime friend. “He made filmstrips about people he admired and believed in. He just thought kids should know the truth of how things really were.”

Sanders believed he was finished with electoral politics – until in late 1980, when his friend Richard Sugarman, a religion professor at the University of Vermont, showed him a breakdown of his Liberty Union vote tallies. As a whole, they were scant, but Sanders had done better in Burlington than anywhere else — and especially in the city’s poorest wards. Sanders decided to run for mayor — and then, by 10 votes, he won. It was March of 1981. It was a big story. The irritant activist was an elected official, now making $33,800 a year, more than he ever had. Reporters started showing up in Vermont.


Clippings from news coverage of Sanders in the 1970s.

On a resume Sanders distributed, he wrote: “Divorced, One Son.”

***

Sanders was interviewed by Phil Donahue on NBC. He was on Canadian TV. He was on British TV. He was featured in Garry Trudeau’s nationally syndicated Doonesbury comic strip. He was in the Boston Globe and the San Francisco Chronicle and the Philadelphia Inquirer and the New York Times and Newsweek and the Irish Evening Post, and what he was, in all of the coverage of his improbable win, was cinched into one grabby word.

Socialist.

He was the socialist mayor who somehow had gotten elected in the immediate wake of the inauguration of Ronald Reagan. He was, as Rolling Stone declared, the “red mayor in the Green Mountains.”

Sanders, who long had fashioned himself as something of a media critic, poked fun at the facile storyline.

“Yeah, OK, I’m a socialist,” he told the Globe. “We’ll charge $10 a head to come see the freak mayor of Burlington.” He said he was being “bombarded” by questions from reporters. “There are a lot of people looking at us.”

That more people knew his name, though, didn’t mean people knew everything about him.

As a reporter named Louis Berney wrote in the Vanguard after Sanders’ win, “his rumpled appearance and harried style, his charismatic oratory and fiery invectives against corporate America … are familiar to the Vermont electorate and have become woven into the state’s political folklore. Yet as Sanders prepares to take over the helm of Vermont’s largest city, little is known about the man.”

Berney’s article in the Vanguard, headlined Sanders on Sanders: Meet the Mayor, included a mention of Sanders’ normally off-limits private life — but what Berney wrote was incorrect:


Sanders in 1981 after a thin victory in the Burlington mayoral race.
Rob Swanson


He and his wife had a son, Levi.

In an email this week from China, where he teaches journalism, Berney wrote: “I can’t remember the particulars of the interview. And I couldn’t swear that he actually said, ‘My wife and I had a son.’ It’s possible that he said it in a way that is similar to what you quote from his resume. I might have erred in putting one and one together and coming up with two and a half. I do know that neither Bernie nor anyone else attempted to correct the error.”

“He was very, very guarded about that,” Alan Abbey, who covered Sanders and City Hall at the time for the Burlington Free Press, told me in a Skype conversation from Israel, where he now lives. “I know we didn’t probe that, for sure. I would say I didn’t push enough, and I certainly wasn’t pushed by my newspaper. We knew he was divorced. We knew he had a kid. I think we may have left it at that.”

Sanders’ biggest obstacle in his initial term as mayor was an obdurate City Council, suspicious of the socialist Sanders’ aims, not a prying press corps. As mayor, though, Sanders got more and more people to vote — he later called that increased political engagement his “proudest accomplishment” — and he got more and more people to vote for him. In ’81, he got barely more than 50 percent; by ’87, it was 56. U.S. News & World Report called him one of the nation’s best 20 mayors.

He decided to leave office in ’89. The next year, he was elected to Congress, and he was reelected in ’92, and again in ’94. In '96, he faced a Republican named Susan Sweetser. And she paid an investigator to look into his background.

Cathy Riggs called his ex-wife.

Sanders called a news conference.

“This is the kind of activity which makes politics so distasteful to people in the country and I think encourages people not to participate in the political process, not to vote, and certainly not to run for public office,” Sanders said.

His second wife, Jane Sanders, whom he married in 1988 – and to whom he is still married – also talked. “We are who we say we are,” she said.

Riggs said she was just doing her job and that she had done nothing illegal.

Sanders in his Outsider book devoted nearly three pages to the episode.

“She contacted my ex-wife, Deborah Messing, from whom I’ve been divorced for over 25 years,” he wrote. “Deborah contacted her friend and neighbor, Anthony Pollina, who used to work with me, and Anthony contacted me. Deborah and I then talked.

“Clearly, Riggs was hoping to find a disgruntled ex-wife who would spill the beans on her former husband. But that was not going to happen with Deborah, who has been remarried for over 20 years. While we don’t see each other very often, we remain good friends, so Deborah told Riggs where to get off. Her sentiments were reflected all over Vermont.”

Sanders cited a chunk of an article from the Associated Press written by Christopher Graff, who at the time was the AP’s longtime Montpelier bureau chief (and whose son, Garrett Graff, is the editor of Politico Magazine).

“What may be considered fair and proper in other states leaves Vermonters apoplectic,” Graff had written. “It is against this background that Vermonters viewed Susan Sweetser’s hiring of a private eye to probe Sanders’ background. Such a hiring would not even gain a passing mention in most states these days. It is accepted practice.”

Sweetser, seeing that this attempt at a thorough vetting of Sanders had backfired, denounced the woman her campaign had hired. “I want to make it clear to the people of Vermont that Cathy Riggs went too far,” she said. Too late. Sanders trounced Sweetser, winning the election by more than 20 percentage points.

Sanders went on to win another election in 1998, and another in 2000, and another in 2002, and another in 2004, and was elected to the Senate in 2006. In 2012, 40 years after he got 2.2 percent of the vote in his first bid for the Senate, he was reelected to that seat with 71 percent. “He’s very trustworthy,” said Donna Kaplan, who gave him $20 when he was running for governor in 1976. “What Bernie is saying is the truth,” said Bob McKee, who gave him $100 during that campaign. “And he’s never wavered,” said Betty Clark, a friend from his time with Liberty Union.

Over the last three and a half decades, occasional personality profiles have appeared; invariably, they have focused on his socialism and his looks — his unfussy clothes, his uncombed hair.

“I do not like personality profiles,” he told the New York Times Magazine in 2007.

This past May, in Burlington, he announced he was running for president on a blue-sky day on the bank of Lake Champlain. Some 5,000 people came to see him do it. “This campaign is not about Bernie Sanders,” he said in his speech. In speeches in Denver, in Wisconsin, in Iowa and in Maine, he has said the same thing over and over. “Not about me.”

CNN issued its “Bernie Sanders Fast Facts,” listing his children, his three stepchildren as well as Levi. “With first wife,” it said.

***

“I knew this was going to happen sooner or later,” Deborah Messing, Sanders’ first wife, said last month when she answered the phone at her home in Montpelier and I introduced myself.

She then asked if she could think about whether she wanted to talk about her ex-husband. I said sure. She called back not even half an hour later.

“I don’t feel comfortable giving an interview,” she said.

Susan Campbell Mott is now Susan Mott Glaeser. She lives in Burlington. I reached her on her cell phone earlier this month. She didn’t even let me ask a question.

“I’m really busy, and I don’t have time to do this sort of thing,” she said.


Bernie Sanders holds a rally to kick off his run for U.S. Congress in Burlington, Vermont, in this Sept. 16, 1988, photo.
AP Photo


Levi Sanders, who lives in Claremont, New Hampshire, not far from the Vermont border, didn’t return messages left over the past couple weeks, at his home and at his office in Boston, where he works as a social security and social security disability insurance senior analyst for Greater Boston Legal Services.

On Wednesday, I sent Michael Briggs, Sanders’ spokesman, an email with a list of questions, including personal questions about the parts of his past that to this point have gone largely unknown or unchecked. Knowing his opinions about the media and recalling the Sweetser incident, I expected at least a lecture.

Sanders has criticized the press his entire political career.

“The question of who decides what’s important and what’s not important is really the most important issue,” he said at a forum on the media in Burlington in 1988, “and the media does not have a habit of focusing on what’s important.”

Something like that.

Briggs called me a little more than an hour after I sent my questions. He said he had talked with Sanders and had answers. He ticked them off one by one.

He told me where Sanders met and married his first wife and how the marriage ended. “She got a Mexican divorce, is what I was told,” Briggs said. He explained the origin of the money Sanders used to buy the Middlesex land and the carpentry he did on the sugar shack. He said Sanders received unemployment, “for a few months,” in 1971, though Sanders can’t remember what the job was that qualified him for the benefits. He told me where Sanders had met Mott and where they lived together. He confirmed she was the mother of Sanders’ son, despite previous news accounts. “Whatever has been reported,” he said, “what you have is accurate.”

The last question I had sent him was whether there was anything else he thought I should know.

“Yes,” Briggs said.

“The middle class is collapsing. Income and wealth inequality is greater now than it has been at any point since before the Great Depression. The American people are working longer hours for lower wages, and they’re angry. Those kinds of things, you should know.”

© 2015 POLITICO LLC

http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/07/bernie-sanders-vermont-119927 [with comments]


*


a few recent derivative items:

Bernie Sanders, The Bum Who Wants Your Money

An angry radical and agitator who never accomplished much of anything.
Editorial
Jan 26, 2016
http://www.investors.com/politics/editorials/bernie-sanders-the-bum-who-wants-your-money/

Bernie's Bum Life
February 15, 2016
http://www.rushlimbaugh.com/daily/2016/02/15/bernie_s_bum_life

Bernie Sanders Didn’t Make a Paycheck Until He Turned 40
2.16.16
http://spectator.org/blog/65498/bernie-sanders-didnt-make-paycheck-until-he-turned-40 [with comments]

Bernie Sanders a Bum Who Didn’t Earn His First Steady Paycheck Until Age 40 Then Wormed His Way Into Politics

Bernie Sanders was a bum who didn’t earn a steady paycheck until he was 40 years old

What a shock.
February 16, 2016
http://www.infowars.com/bernie-sanders-a-bum-who-didnt-earn-his-first-steady-paycheck-until-age-40-then-wormed-his-way-into-politics/ [with comments] [original at http://www.thegatewaypundit.com/2016/02/bernie-sanders-a-bum-who-didnt-earn-his-first-paycheck-until-age-40/ (with comments)]

Bernie Sanders Is A Bum!
Published on Feb 17, 2016 by The Alex Jones Channel [ http://www.youtube.com/channel/UCvsye7V9psc-APX6wV1twLg / http://www.youtube.com/user/TheAlexJonesChannel , http://www.youtube.com/user/TheAlexJonesChannel/videos ]
Bernie Sanders was a bum who didn’t earn a steady paycheck until he was 40 years old. He was a slob who lived in a shack with a dirt floor. He later wrote about masturbation and rape for left-wing rags for $50 a story. The Socialist then wormed his way into politics. http://www.infowars.com/bernie-sanders-a-bum-who-didnt-earn-his-first-steady-paycheck-until-age-40-then-wormed-his-way-into-politics/
[aired February 16, 2016 - complete show included at/see (linked in) http://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=120678711 and preceding and following]
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-eC8VpwOmEU [with comments]

Bernie Sanders Was A Bum Until Age 40
Published on Feb 18, 2016 by The Alex Jones Channel
Bernie Sanders was a bum who didn’t earn a steady paycheck until he was 40 years old. http://www.infowars.com/bernie-sanders-a-bum-who-didnt-earn-his-first-steady-paycheck-until-age-40-then-wormed-his-way-into-politics/
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-0kJkt-K53A [with comments]

Trump Or Sanders? Benign Dictator vs Socialist
Published on Feb 18, 2016 by The Alex Jones Channel
http://www.prisonplanet.com/new-emails-show-press-literally-taking-orders-from-hillary.html
https://twitter.com/ncilla?lang=en
http://www.maxkeiser.com/
[aired February 17, 2016 - complete show included at/see (linked in) http://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=120678711 and preceding and following]
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=61sVorqldII [with comments]


--


Fifty Shades of Bernie Sanders


Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.), Freud aficionado, in 2015.
(Brian Snyder/Reuters)


By Justin Wm. Moyer
June 1, 2015

Updated

Warning: The following contains graphic [verbal] imagery.


In mid-February 1972, an article by future Vermont senator and presidential candidate appeared in an alternative newspaper called the Vermont Freeman. Title: “Man — and woman.”

“A man goes home and masturbates his typical fantasy,” the 31-year-old author wrote, as Mother Jones reported. “A woman on her knees, a woman tied up, a woman abused. A woman enjoys intercourse with her man — as she fantasizes being raped by 3 men simultaneously.”

What was — what is – this? Nothing but a sex column by Bernie Sanders. Or, at least, what seems to be a sex column.

In a statement, a Sanders representative distanced the candidate from the column, which surfaced

in a Mother Jones piece called “How Bernie Sanders Learned to Be a Real Politician: A portrait of the candidate as a young radical [ http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2015/05/young-bernie-sanders-liberty-union-vermont ].”

“This was a dumb attempt at dark satire in an alternative publication intended to attack gender stereotypes in the 1970s, and it looks as stupid today as it was then,” Sanders’s spokesman, Michael Briggs, said in a statement, as USA Today reported [ http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/elections/2016/2015/05/28/sanders-essay-sexual-fantasies/28120647/ ]. “When Bernie got into this race, he understood that there would be efforts to distract voters and the press away from the real issues confronting the nation today. He’s determined to run a campaign that takes on the big problems facing the American people, and not a campaign of salacious gossip and innuendo.”

But on NBC’s “Meet the Press” Sunday, Sanders called it “a piece of fiction that I wrote in 1972, I think. … It was very poorly written and if you read it, what it was dealing with was gender stereotypes, why some men like to oppress women, why other women like to be submissive, you know, something like ‘Fifty Shades of Grey.'”

On one hand, Sanders seemed to be writing about the importance of gender equality — if in brute terms.

“Women, for their own preservation, are trying to pull themselves together,” he wrote. “And it’s necessary for all of humanity that they do so. Slavishness on one hand breeds pigness on the other.”

But then, the column also seemed pretty fatalistic, even for a socialist.

“Men and women — both are losers,” he wrote. “Women adapt themselves to fill the needs of men, and men adapt themselves to fill the needs of women. In the beginning there were strong men who killed the animals and brought home the food – and the dependent women who cooked it. No more!”

So: Does that mean Sanders was decrying the death of patriarchy? Does he want women to be dependent?

Not really. But — maybe?

“There are no ‘human’ oppressors,” he wrote. “Oppressors have lost their humanity. On one hand ‘slavishness,’ on the other hand ‘pigness.’ Six of one, half dozen of the other. Who wins?”

Is that a rhetorical question?

Responses to Sanders’s decades-old writing were divided. The reliably liberal Mother Jones called the piece “a stream-of-consciousness essay on the nature of male-female sexual dynamics” that “reflected his affinity for Sigmund Freud,” offering it as an example of the candidate’s “aimless” period before his evolution as a politician. And Jezebel, though it called the work a “creepy little essay,” said any brewing controversy was unwarranted.

“Sanders’ essay in no way conflicts with his beliefs today; it just talks about sexy stuff, and some people want to believe that’s enough to sink him, somehow,” according to the Web site [ http://jezebel.com/1972-bernie-sanders-had-some-wacky-ideas-about-rape-1707543130 ].

Breitbart, however, took a different view.

“Thus far, Sanders’ abuse fantasies and his own fantasy that women dream of rape by multiple men have been covered by precisely zero mainstream news outlets,” the Web site wrote [ http://www.breitbart.com/big-government/2015/05/28/five-scandals-for-hillary-clinton-and-bernie-sanders-that-would-sink-any-republican/ ]. “Mother Jones didn’t even bother quoting the essay directly, instead choosing to embed a screenshot. That’s because rape fantasies are funny and charming when they come from an aged socialist hippie.” (That last sentence was sarcastic.)

As reds and blues line-up on predictable sides of this small-time campaign dust-up nine months before the Iowa caucuses, perhaps all should remember that life is fleeting. After all, this is what Sanders implies in the conclusion of piece, which implies that man — and woman — can’t seem to get on the same page.

Sort of.

“And they never again made love together (which they had each liked to do more than anything) or never ever saw each other one more time,” he wrote.

© 2015 The Washington Post

https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/morning-mix/wp/2015/06/01/so-you-might-not-want-to-read-bernie-sanderss-43-year-old-sex-column/ [with embedded video, and comments]


*


Does Sanders Stand By His Rape Essay?


He wrote what?

If a Republican had written what Bernie Sanders did, the press would be circling.

By Peter Roff
June 1, 2015, at 6:00 p.m.

If he were a serious candidate for president, the essay that Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders penned back in 1972 would be getting more attention. As his bid is merely a kind of neo-socialist vanguard, to the extent most people know about it they are simply chuckling because, let's face it, no one really takes him seriously.

His thoughts – expressed back at the time when McGovern was getting shellacked by Nixon to the disappointment of a generation of future leftists, many of whom showed up later in the Clinton and Obama administrations – say an awful lot about the license the left, then as now, gives itself for its base instincts and behavior.

Anyone interested in what Sanders had on his mind back then would do well to consult the Washington Examiner [ http://www.washingtonexaminer.com/sanders-woman-fantasizes-being-raped/article/2565191 ], which had the temerity to print sections of the essay. I'm hopeful the moderator of the first Democratic presidential debate will have the courage to ask Sanders if he still stands by his claim that women fantasize about being raped.

As I said, I'm hopeful, but I'm not going to hold my breath. Those kinds of questions are only asked of Republican candidates by moderators like George Stephanopoulos, a Clinton Foundation donor and on-air employee of ABC News. Asking Sanders to explain himself – and he probably doesn't have the good sense the Lord gave an ox to keep quiet about it – and giving former Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton, former Maryland Gov. Martin O'Malley and anyone else on the stage a chance to respond would take the entire debate, and the party, off message.

We’ve already had a preview over the weekend of what it would be like. NBC’s Chuck Todd tried to help Sanders defuse the issue [ http://www.mediaite.com/tv/bernie-sanders-addresses-1972-sex-rape-fantasy-essay-on-meet-the-press/ ], while giving him the widest possible swath with which to do it. And while Vermont’s junior senator did explain that he thought the essay poorly written, he nevertheless appeared to defend the substance.

For myself, I'm not sure what Sanders' view of relations between the sexes has to do with his qualifications to be president or his vision for the job. It must have something to do with it, though, because Republicans get asked these kinds of questions – maybe not about things they themselves might have written, but certainly on similar subjects – all the time.

The lack of interest in the backgrounds of any Democrat seeking high public office – what they studied in school and where, what they've written in the past, the particulars surrounding the dissolution of a previous marriage – is comparatively amazing. If a Republican candidate anywhere in America had written "A woman enjoys intercourse with her man – as she fantasizes being raped by three men simultaneously," as Sanders did, most every current GOP presidential candidate would be asked about it – all except Carly Fiorina because the political press corps just doesn't have the guts.

Sanders' running today is a stalking horse for Massachusetts Democrat Elizabeth Warren running tomorrow (that is, in 2020). His ideas about health care and income inequality and the role of big banks in the economy and the need for them to be regulated match up with hers fairly closely. Not so sure about how his views on sex align with hers though – but that will all be water under the bridge by then.

Copyright 2015 © U.S. News & World Report LP

http://www.usnews.com/opinion/blogs/peter-roff/2015/06/01/bernie-sanders-needs-to-face-questions-about-1972-rape-essay


*


Essay It Ain't So!

Bernie Sanders' campaign has tried to distance him from a 1972 essay in which the Democratic presidential candidate wrote that a woman "fantasizes being raped by three men simultaneously."
TRUE
Sep 22, 2015
http://www.snopes.com/bernie-sanders-essay/


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"You Might Very Well Be the Cause of Cancer": Read Bernie Sanders' 1970s-Era Essays


Chuck Myers/ZUMA Wire

The presidential candidate's old writings were rambling, raw, and sometimes misinformed—but undeniably Bernie.

By Tim Murphy
Mon Jul. 6, 2015 9:08 AM EDT

Last month Sen. Bernie Sanders, the Vermont independent socialist seeking the Democratic presidential nomination, repudiated a 1972 essay [ http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2015/05/young-bernie-sanders-liberty-union-vermont ] he wrote for the Vermont Freeman, an alternative newspaper, which included depictions of a rape fantasy from male and female perspectives. On Meet the Press, he dismissed the article as a "piece of fiction" exploring gender stereotypes—"something like Fifty Shades of Grey."

Yet as the New York Times recently reported [ http://www.nytimes.com/2015/07/04/us/politics/bernie-sanderss-revolutionary-roots-were-nurtured-in-60s-vermont.html ], during his years as a contributor to the Freeman in the late 1960s and early 1970s, Sanders often wrote about sexual norms, as he presented a broader critique of repressive cultural forces that he believed were driving many Americans literally insane. His early writings reflect a political worldview rooted in the fad psychology and anti-capitalist rhetoric of the era and infused with a libertarianesque critique of state power. Sanders feared that the erosion of individual freedom—via compulsory education, sexual repression, and, yes, fluoridated water—began at birth. And, he postulated, authoritarianism might even cause cancer.

Yet he insisted that individual acts of protests could turn things around—a belief that would give rise to his political career.

Sanders was initially drawn to Sigmund Freud and his theories as a high school student in Brooklyn. He then studied psychology at the University of Chicago and at the New School for Social Research in New York. And he worked at a mental institution in New York City before settling in Vermont for good in 1968. Like many lefties of his time, he was heavily influenced by the Austrian psychologist Wilhelm Reich, a disciple of Freud whose work drew a connection between sexual repression and fascism. When Paris student demonstrators took the street in that year, they held up copies of Reich's book.

Reich's most famous invention was a product called the "Orgone Box [ http://www.nytimes.com/2011/09/25/books/review/adventures-in-the-orgasmatron-by-christopher-turner-book-review.html ]," a sort of hyperbaric oxygen chamber for orgasms. The device was supposed to expose users to "orgastic" energy circulating in the air. Such exposure, Reich theorized, could cure various maladies, including cancer.

In a 1969 essay for the Freeman called "Cancer, Disease and Society [ https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2157403-sanders-cancer.html ]," Sanders, then 28, contended that conformity caused cancer by breaking down the human spirit and inflicting emotional trauma. He quoted liberally from Reich's 1948 book, The Cancer Biopathy, which, he noted, was "very definite about the link between emotional and sexual health, and cancer," and he walked readers through Reich's theory about the consequences of suppressing "biosexual excitation."

Then Sanders got to the point: "The above references, in no uncertain terms, state that you might very well be the cause of cancer." He continued:

What do you think it really means when 3 doctors, after intense study, write that 'of the 26 patients (who developed breast cancer) below 51 (years of age), one was sexually adjusted.' It means, very bluntly, that the manner in which you bring up your daughter with regard to sexual attitudes may very well determine whether or not she will develop breast cancer, among other things.

And there was more:

How much guilt, nervousness have you imbued in your daughter with regard to sex? If she is 16, 3 years beyond puberty and the time which nature set forth for childbearing, and spent a night out with her boyfriend, what is your reaction? Do you take her to a psychiatrist because she is "maladjusted," or a "prostitute," or are you happy that she has found someone with whom she can share love? Are you concerned about HER happiness, or about your "reputation" in the community.

With regard to the schools that you send your children to, are you concerned that many of these institutions serve no other function than to squash the life, joy and curiosity out of kids. When a doctor writes that the cancer personality "represses hate, anger, dissatisfaction and grudges, or on the other hand, is a 'good' person, who is consumed with self pity, suffers in stoic silence", do you know what he is talking about, and what this has to do with children, parents, and schools.


Theories about psychological causes of cancer were widespread in the mid-20th century, but never accepted within the scientific mainstream. According to the National Cancer Institute [ http://www.cancer.gov/about-cancer/coping/feelings/stress-fact-sheet ], psychological stress can have adverse health effects, but "the evidence that it can cause cancer is weak." The American Cancer Society [ http://www.cancer.org/treatment/treatmentsandsideeffects/emotionalsideeffects/attitudes-and-cancer ] says that "{b}ased on what we know now about how cancer starts and grows, there's no reason to believe that emotions can cause cancer or help it grow." Reich died in prison in 1957 after ignoring an order by the Food and Drug Administration to stop advertising his Orgone Box as a cancer cure.

"These articles were written more than 40 years ago," Sanders spokesman Michael Briggs said in an email to Mother Jones. "Like most people, Bernie's views on many issues have changed over time."

The big problem, Sanders noted in these early writings, was never-ending cultural oppression. The crisis, in his view, started with birth and continued through early childhood, the school years, and the daily grind of adulthood. In 1972, writing for a lefty newspaper he founded called Movement, Sanders published a lengthy interview [part one https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2157455-sanders-movement-5.html , part two https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2157464-movementvol6.html ] with a friend who lived on a commune, on the subject of natural childbirth. The birth of the woman’s second child culminated in the sounding of a "hunting horn," and the ritual eating of the placenta. ("Don't all mammals eat the afterbirth?" Sanders asked.)

Sanders was trying to make a political point:

All aspects of life are intimately related—and it is only a schizophrenic society such as ours which segregates them and puts them into separate little boxes. We go to school and study 'education' and 'psychology' and 'sexuality' (if it's a 'progressive' school). How absurd: all of life is one and if we want to know, for example, how our nation can napalm children in Vietnam—AND NOT CARE—it is necessary to go well beyond 'politics.' We have got to get into the areas of feeling and emotion, pain and love—and how people related to each other and how people shut off their feelings. And all of this takes us way back to our mommies and to the way they dealt with us when we were infants.

In a letter to the editor published in the Freeman in 1969 [ https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2157401-sanders-destructiveschools.html ], he called the growing disillusionment with public schooling "one of the most heartening signs in recent years," and he remarked that "the basic function of the schools is [to] set up in children patterns of docility and conformity—patterns designed not to create independent and free adults, but adults who will obey orders, be 'faithful' uncomplaining employees, and 'good' citizens." He took a similar tack in another essay, this one tongue in cheek, entitled "On Education [ https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2157404-sanders-education.html ]."

Treating children with kid gloves, he believed, was turning them into sexually repressed worker drones. In a 1969 essay in the Freeman, he wrote, "In Vermont, at a state beach, a mother is reprimanded by Authority for allowing her 6 month old daughter to go about without her diapers on. Now, if children go around naked, they are liable to see each others sexual organs, and maybe even touch them. Terrible thing! If we [raise] children up like this it will probably ruin the whole pornography business, not to mention the large segment of the general economy which makes its money by playing on peoples sexual frustrations."

Some of his rants bordered on libertarian. He referred to water fluoridation, dairy regulations, and compulsory education as perhaps well-meaning infringements on individual choice that were contributing to the overall deterioration of the human condition. "It is obvious that in the name of 'public safety' the State is usurping the rights of free choice in many domains of life," he wrote in a 1969 essay entitled "Reflections on a Dying Society [ https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2157596-sanders-reflection.html ]." Such regulations had a depressing effect on the soul, Sanders contended, citing a condition Freud referred to as the global "death instinct."

His assessment of late-stage capitalism and American politics was grim. In another 1969 piece, he summed up modern life: "The years come and go, the suicide, nervous breakdown, cancer, sexual deadness, heart attack, alcoholism, sensibility at 50. Slow, death, fast, death. DEATH."

But Sanders wasn’t fatalistic. Unlike many of his contemporaries, his response to the crushing corporate state was to rise up against it through the political system he decried. In 1971, two years after his first essays for the Freeman, he launched his first political campaign. He ran for Senate and lost, and then lost three more campaigns over the next four years.

Buried inside the darkness of his rhetoric was the optimistic belief that the status quo couldn't be sustained. In 1969, he wrote [ https://www.documentcloud.org/documents/2157415-sanders-revolution.html ]:

The Revolution is coming and it is a very beautiful revolution. It is beautiful because, in its deepest sense, it is quiet, gentle, and all pervasive. It KNOWS. What is most important in this revolution will require no guns, no commandants, no screaming "leaders," and no vicious publications accusing everyone else of being counter-revolutionary. The revolution comes when two strangers smile at each other, when a father refuses to send his child to school because schools destroy children, when a commune is started and people begin to trust each other, when a young man refuses to go to war, and when a girl pushes aside all that her mother has 'taught' her and accepts her boyfriend's love.

The revolution comes when young people throughout the world take control of their own lives and when people everywhere begin to look each other in the eyes and say hello, without fear. This is the revolution, this is the strength, and with this behind us no politician or general will ever stop us. We shall win!


Twelve years later—after all those failed campaigns—he was elected mayor of Burlington. And his own revolution was under way.

Related

Meet the Comic Book King Running Bernie Sanders' Campaign
Jeff Weaver is the Robin to Bernie's Batman.
http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2015/07/bernie-sanders-jeff-weaver-victory-comics


Copyright ©2015 Mother Jones and the Foundation for National Progress

http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2015/07/bernie-sanders-vermont-freeman-sexual-freedom-fluoride [with comments]


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Read Late 1970s Bernie Sanders’ No-Holds-Barred Critique Of Mass Media


Donna Light / AP

Sanders wrote that media abides by the “well-tested Hitlerian principle that people should be treated as morons and bombarded over and over again with the same simple phrases and ideas.”

Andrew Kaczynski
posted on Jun. 26, 2015, at 10:58 a.m.

In the late 1970s Bernie Sanders, then still known mostly as the perennial Liberty Union candidate and freelance writer, wrote a critique of mass media and television for the Vanguard Press, an alt-weekly that ran from the mid 1970s into the early 1980s.

In the critique, Sanders holds contempt for the mainstream media, which he said abided by the “well-tested Hitlerian principle that people should be treated as morons and bombarded over and over again with the same simple phrases and ideas.”

Sanders noted three major functions of the television industry.

“First, it is supposed to make as much money as possible for the owners of the industry and for the companies who advertise,” he wrote. “Second, like heroin and alcohol, television serves the function of an escapist mechanism which allows people to ‘space out’ and avoid the pain and conflict of their lives — and the causes of those problems. Third, television is the major vehicle by which the owners of this society propagate their political points of view (including lies and distortions) through the ‘news.’”

Today, the socialist Vermont senator who is seeking the Democratic presidential nomination still views mass communication as an important issue facing the country. He maintains a page on his website where he notes [ http://www.sanders.senate.gov/legislation/issue/media-ownership-and-telecommunications ], “media consolidation suppresses diversity and ignores the needs and interests of local communities.”

The Vermont weekly Seven Days has dug deep in Sanders’ history in the state, as a perennial candidate, mayor, congressman, and senator. A “Bernie Beat” archived details his record in the state coming back into the early 1970s [ http://www.sevendaysvt.com/vermont/ArticleArchives?tag=Bernie%20Sanders&tag=The%20Early%20Years&contentFeature=2427362 ]. This article is among those posted in their extensive archives.

Sanders noted a “fundamental contradiction” in television like many aspects of a capitalist society. He said owners of the mass media industry don’t want to educate people because “to do so would be to act against their own best interests.”

“What the owners of the TV industry want to do, and are doing, in my opinion, is use that medium to intentionally brainwash people into submission and helplessness,” wrote Sanders.

“With considerable forethought they are attempting to create a nation of morons who will faithfully go out and buy this or that product, vote for this or that candidate, and faithfully work for their employers for as low a wage as possible.”

Sanders said if “the television industry encouraged intellectual growth, honesty, and the pursuit of truth, it would put most major corporations out of business.” He noted “most advertising consists of lies designed to sell products which are either identical to the competition, totally useless, grossly overpriced, or dangerous to human health or the environment.”

“The last thing that the owners of the TV industry would want is for people to know the truth about the products sold on the air,” he wrote.

Sanders concluded by noting control of television is a political issue that is necessary to address for those “who are concerned about living in a democratic and healthy society.”

Read the full article here [embedded]:

Social Control and the Tube | Vanguard Press | Feb. 13, 1979
http://www.scribd.com/doc/239114608/Social-Control-and-the-Tube-Vanguard-Press-Feb-13-1979

© 2015 BuzzFeed, Inc

http://www.buzzfeed.com/andrewkaczynski/read-late-1970s-bernie-sanders-no-holds-barred-critique-of-m [with comments]


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Actually, the ‘billionaire class’ might be more progressive than Sanders says


Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., speaks to a crowd during a campaign stop Monday in Birmingham, Ala.
(Brynn Anderson/Associated Press)


By Charles Lane
January 20, 2016

Thirty-six years ago, a local gadfly’s column [ http://www.sevendaysvt.com/vermont/social-control-and-the-tube/Content?oid=2434173 ] in a free Vermont weekly argued passionately for “democratic control” of television, so as to rid the industry of corporate advertisers who believe that “people should be treated as morons and bombarded over and over again with the same simple phrases and ideas.”

Today, that gadfly, Bernie Sanders, is a U.S. senator, and he’s gaining traction as a challenger to Hillary Clinton for the Democratic presidential nomination — by bombarding people over and over again with the same simple phrases and ideas.

For the Bern, no generalization is too sweeping: “The business model of Wall Street is fraud [ http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/bernie-sanders-wall-street-fraud_us_5647fb78e4b08cda3489294a ].” “Make college tuition free and debt free [ https://berniesanders.com/issues/its-time-to-make-college-tuition-free-and-debt-free/ ].” “Health care must be recognized as a right, not a privilege [ https://berniesanders.com/medicare-for-all-2/ ].” Then there’s “the billionaire class [ http://www.nationalreview.com/article/426324/bernie-sanders-rigged-economy-billionaire-class-theory ],” as in, We need people “to stand up to the billionaire class [ http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2_k1TO5jsIg (next below; with comments)].”


Forbes magazine reports that there were 536 billionaires [ http://www.forbes.com/sites/forbespr/2015/03/02/forbes-29th-annual-worlds-billionaires-issue/ ] in the United States in 2015, but the notion that they constitute a “class,” in the sense of an economically self-interested group that acts as a political unit, is a figment of Sanders’s ideology, or demonology.

Obviously, Sanders is trying to conjure the evil specter of the Koch brothers, Charles and David, who stand accused of using their combined net worth of $80 billion [ http://www.forbes.com/forbes-400/list/#version:static ] to impose a right-wing agenda through super PACs and other non-transparent instruments of political control.

But what are we to make of Warren Buffett (2015 net worth, per Forbes: $62 billion)? No doubt his endorsement of Clinton [ http://www.nytimes.com/politics/first-draft/2015/12/16/warren-buffett-endorses-hillary-clinton-and-calls-for-higher-taxes-on-wealthy/ ] over Sanders for 2016 did not endear him to the latter. Still, Buffett was an early backer of Barack Obama’s presidential candidacy [ http://www.chicagotribune.com/chi-obama_thuaug16-story.html ], and he continues to commit class treason by advocating higher income taxes for top earners.

George Soros bankrolls left-wing organizations worldwide; the marijuana-legalization movement received huge amounts of his money, and that of the late Peter Lewis, another billionaire. Penny Pritzker, Obama’s secretary of commerce, was last seen strolling the streets of Havana, promoting U.S. investment in communist Cuba.

Former New York mayor Michael Bloomberg [ http://content.sierraclub.org/press-releases/2015/04/bloomberg-philanthropies-reinvests-sierra-club-s-beyond-coal-campaign-0 ] wrote a big check to the Sierra Club’s “Beyond Coal” campaign on climate change, a cause Sanders favors — though Bloomberg is also spending a ton to promote gun control, so maybe Sanders holds that against him.

Reviewing this history, you could almost get the impression billionaires have done more to advance progressive causes [ http://prospect.org/article/meet-billionaires-backing-team-blue-megaphone-only-money-can-buy ] than Bernie Sanders has.

One way to square these data with Sanders’s rhetoric would be to say that supporting the left exonerates billionaires from membership in the billionaire class, as Sanders defines it. The hallmark of the class, Sanders senior adviser Tad Devine told me, “is the use of wealth and power to intervene in the political system for one’s own economic self-interest.”

Fair enough: Many, if not most, billionaires do, indeed, back conservative, pro-business candidates and causes. Wall Street titan Paul Singer is an example. Yet even Singer agrees with Sanders that same-sex marriage should be legal, and once set up a super PAC [ http://www.businessinsider.com/paul-singer-super-pac-gay-marriage-republican-2012-6 ] to support GOP candidates who were sympathetic to it as well.

It’s complicated, this issue of economic “self-interest.” Does Elon Musk favor tougher carbon regulations [ http://www.wsj.com/articles/tesla-presses-its-case-on-fuel-standards-1438559469 ] and generous electric-car subsidies because, like Sanders, he cares deeply about the planet, or because they help make his multibillion-dollar stake in Tesla more valuable?

Seattle’s Nick Hanauer [ http://www.seattletimes.com/seattle-news/westneat-08/ ] says that he’s funding the higher-minimum-wage movement and other anti-inequality causes to “preempt the revolutionaries and crazies [ http://www.forbes.com/sites/taxanalysts/2014/07/21/nick-hanauer-wants-the-fat-cats-to-save-themselves-heres-why-they-wont/ ]” who would otherwise lead an uprising by the have-nots; this, he says, will enable him and his fellow plutocrats to “escape with our lives” and “get even richer.”

Or maybe the mundane reality is that what motivates a lot of billionaires are their own pet notions and personal causes — pot for Soros, Israel for Sheldon Adelson — not some monolithic class interest.

Plutocrats’ spending on candidates and elections is huge and influential, but not nearly as decisive, or as unidirectional, as Sanders would have it. Sometimes, in fact, the results billionaires get confirm that old saw about a fool and his money.

In a recent interview with the Financial Times, Charles Koch [ http://www.ft.com/intl/cms/s/0/3a5c5d40-b4a3-11e5-b147-e5e5bba42e51.html ] bemoaned his inability to affect the current chaotic Republican presidential race. He distanced himself from positions taken by the top two contenders, Sen. Ted Cruz (Tex.) and Donald Trump, expressing particular dismay with the latter’s call to temporarily ban Muslim foreigners from entering the United States. If any Republican epitomizes the Koch brothers’ libertarianism, it’s Sen. Rand Paul (Ky.), but his presidential campaign has flopped.

Trump still leads the pack, unaided by money from any billionaire but himself. What propels him is ego, attitude and a relentless populist message — which, in its nuance-free bashing of Social Security “cuts,” trade agreements and political money, often sounds copied from Sanders.

© 2016 The Washington Post

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/could-the-billionaire-class-be-more-progressive-than-sanders-says/2016/01/20/09c214e8-bf90-11e5-83d4-42e3bceea902_story.html [with embedded video report, and comments]


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Donald Trump Sees Himself In Bernie Sanders | MSNBC


Published on Feb 17, 2016 by MSNBC [ http://www.youtube.com/channel/UCaXkIU1QidjPwiAYu6GcHjg / http://www.youtube.com/user/msnbcleanforward , http://www.youtube.com/user/msnbcleanforward/videos ]

During the MSNBC town hall, Donald Trump was asked to guess a candidate while host Mika Brzezinski listed off a variety of their traits. Listen to who Trump mistakenly guessed as himself.

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=HlE5vLaymB0 [with comments]


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This is the one issue where Bernie Sanders is right


Charles G. Koch.
(Bo Rader/Associated Press)


By Charles G. Koch
February 18, 2016

As he campaigns for the Democratic nomination for president, Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders (I) often sounds like he’s running as much against me [ http://www.usatoday.com/story/news/politics/elections/2015/08/15/sanders-billionaire-class-welcome-hatred/31794755/ ] as he is the other candidates. I have never met the senator, but I know from listening to him that we disagree on plenty when it comes to public policy.

Even so, I see benefits in searching for common ground and greater civility during this overly negative campaign season. That’s why, in spite of the fact that he often misrepresents where I stand on issues, the senator should know that we do agree on at least one — an issue that resonates with people who feel that hard work and making a contribution will no longer enable them to succeed.

The senator is upset with a political and economic system that is often rigged to help the privileged few [ https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-politics/wp/2015/11/13/ahead-of-democratic-debate-sanders-debuting-ad-on-the-rigged-economy/ ] at the expense of everyone else, particularly the least advantaged. He believes that we have a two-tiered society that increasingly dooms millions of our fellow citizens to lives of poverty and hopelessness. He thinks many corporations seek and benefit from corporate welfare while ordinary citizens are denied opportunities and a level playing field.

I agree with him.

Democrats and Republicans have too often favored policies and regulations that pick winners and losers. This helps perpetuate a cycle of control, dependency, cronyism and poverty in the United States. These are complicated issues, but it’s not enough to say that government alone is to blame. Large portions of the business community have actively pushed for these policies.

Consider the regulations, handouts, mandates, subsidies and other forms of largesse our elected officials dole out to the wealthy and well-connected. The tax code alone contains $1.5 trillion [ https://www.cbo.gov/sites/default/files/114th-congress-2015-2016/reports/50724-BudEconOutlook-3.pdf ] in exemptions and special-interest carve-outs. Anti-competitive regulations cost businesses an additional $1.9 trillion [ https://cei.org/10kc2015 ] every year. Perversely, this regulatory burden falls hardest on small companies, innovators and the poor, while benefitting many large companies like ours. This unfairly benefits established firms and penalizes new entrants, contributing to a two-tiered society.

Whenever we allow government to pick winners and losers, we impede progress and move further away from a society of mutual benefit. This pits individuals and groups against each other and corrupts the business community, which inevitably becomes less focused on creating value for customers. That’s why Koch Industries opposes all forms of corporate welfare — even those that benefit us. (The government’s ethanol mandate is a good example. We oppose [ http://kochnews.com/CMSPages/GetFile.aspx?guid=31435545-e921-41b6-9fa2-a907649f7899 ] that mandate, even though we are the fifth-largest ethanol producer in the United States.)

It may surprise the senator to learn that our framework in deciding whether to support or oppose a policy is not determined by its effect on our bottom line (or by which party sponsors the legislation), but by whether it will make people’s lives better or worse.

With this in mind, the United States’ next president must be willing to rethink decades of misguided policies enacted by both parties that are creating a permanent underclass.

Our criminal justice system, which is in dire need of reform [ http://www.politico.com/magazine/story/2015/03/charles-koch-overcriminalization-115512 ], is another issue where the senator shares some of my concerns. Families and entire communities are being ripped apart by laws that unjustly destroy the lives of low-level and nonviolent offenders.

Today, if you’re poor and get caught possessing and selling pot, you could end up in jail. Your conviction will hold you back from many opportunities in life. However, if you are well-connected and have ample financial resources, the rules change dramatically. Where is the justice in that?

Arbitrary restrictions limit the ability of ex-offenders to get housing, student or business loans, credit cards, a meaningful job or even to vote. Public policy must change if people are to have the chance to succeed after making amends for their transgressions. At Koch Industries we’re practicing our principles by “banning the box.” We have voluntarily removed the question about prior criminal convictions from our job application.

At this point you may be asking yourself, “Is Charles Koch feeling the Bern?”

Hardly.

I applaud the senator for giving a voice to many Americans struggling to get ahead in a system too often stacked in favor of the haves, but I disagree with his desire to expand the federal government’s control over people’s lives. This is what built so many barriers to opportunity in the first place.

Consider America’s War on Poverty. Since its launch under President Lyndon Johnson in 1964, we have spent roughly $22 trillion [ http://www.heritage.org/research/reports/2014/09/the-war-on-poverty-after-50-years#_ftnref6. ], yet our poverty rate remains at 14.8 percent [ http://www.census.gov/content/dam/Census/library/publications/2015/demo/p60-252.pdf ]. Instead of preventing, curing and relieving the causes and symptoms of poverty (the goals of the program when it began), too many communities have been torn apart and remain in peril while even more tax dollars pour into this broken system.

It is results, not intentions, that matter. History has proven that a bigger, more controlling, more complex and costlier federal government leaves the disadvantaged less likely to improve their lives.

When it comes to electing our next president, we should reward those candidates, Democrat or Republican, most committed to the principles of a free society. Those principles start with the right to live your life as you see fit as long as you don’t infringe on the ability of others to do the same. They include equality before the law, free speech and free markets and treating people with dignity, respect and tolerance. In a society governed by such principles, people succeed by helping others improve their lives.

I don’t expect to agree with every position a candidate holds, but all Americans deserve a president who, on balance, can demonstrate a commitment to a set of ideas and values that will lead to peace, civility and well-being rather than conflict, contempt and division. When such a candidate emerges, he or she will have my enthusiastic support.

Charles G. Koch is chairman and chief executive of Koch Industries.

© 2016 The Washington Post

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/charles-koch-this-is-the-one-issue-where-bernie-sanders-is-right/2016/02/18/cdd2c228-d5c1-11e5-be55-2cc3c1e4b76b_story.html [with embedded video report, and comments]


*


Charles Koch's Bernie BS


Wichita Eagle via Getty Images

By Mike Lux
02/20/2016 08:43 am ET | Updated Feb 20, 2016

Charles Koch gets my award for the single most audacious, ridiculous and unintentionally funny op-ed [ https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/charles-koch-this-is-the-one-issue-where-bernie-sanders-is-right/2016/02/18/cdd2c228-d5c1-11e5-be55-2cc3c1e4b76b_story.html (item just above)] I have read this year -- and maybe ever. In it, he alternately complains about Bernie attacking him, does his usual anti-government screed, rolls out his claims to be on the same side as Bernie on criminal justice reform and attempts to wrap his right-wing ideology into Sanders' populist rhetoric. It is a mind-blowing alternate reality well worth taking a look at if you need a good laugh.

Here is Koch at the height of his populist passion:

The senator is upset with a political and economic system that is often rigged to help the privileged few at the expense of everyone else, particularly the least advantaged. He believes that we have a two-tiered society that increasingly dooms millions of our fellow citizens to lives of poverty and hopelessness. He thinks many corporations seek and benefit from corporate welfare while ordinary citizens are denied opportunities and a level playing field. I agree with him.

If there were any way I could take that seriously, I'd be thinking, "Hey, even I might have something in common with Charles Koch." Here's the thing, though: all you have to do to understand how full of s--t Koch is to read the transcripts of audio [ http://ladylibertine.net/2014/09/02/road/ ] my colleague Lauren Windsor obtained from a source at Koch's donor retreat in 2014, which laid out in gory detail the unvarnished truth about his philosophy.

In that meeting, the billionaires and multi-millionaires that make up the donor network listened as the top Koch lieutenant, Richard Fink, gave a speech that included some deeply populist, pro-working family thoughts. About the minimum wage, he said that it's a slippery slope to Nazi fascism:

The big danger of minimum wage isn't the fact that some people are being paid more than their valued-added -- that's not great. It's not that it's hard to stay in business -- that's not great either. But it's the 500,000 people that will not have a job because of minimum wage... making dependence part of government programs, and destroying their opportunity for earned success. And so we see this is a very big part of recruitment in Germany in the '20s... If you look at the Third -- the rise and fall of the Third Reich, you can see that... And what happens is a fascist comes in and offers them an opportunity, finds the victim -- Jews or the West -- and offers them meaning for their life, OK?

Talking about seeing a homeless person on the street, Fink described what he wanted to say to them: "Get off your ass, and work hard like we did." And this without irony, even though Fink works for men who inherited their wealth from their Nazi-sympathizing oil industrialist father [ http://www.nytimes.com/2016/01/12/us/politics/father-of-koch-brothers-helped-build-nazi-oil-refinery-book-says.html ], Fred.

In talking to the gathered billionaires about how to sell their free market ideology, he made their profit motives clear:

Yeah, we want to decrease regulations. Why? It's because we can make more profit, OK? Yeah, cut government spending so we don't have to pay so much taxes... There's truth in that, you all know, because we're in the 30 percent of the freedom fighters. But the middle part of the country doesn't see it that way.

So now you see why Mr. Koch dresses up his extremist anti-government views in the language of Bernie Sanders. Even on criminal justice reform, where Koch says he does agree with Sanders and other Democrats, the little known fact [ http://www.prwatch.org/news/2015/12/13002/koch-criminal-justice-reform-trojan-horse ] is that Koch lobbyists pressured Republicans drafting the bill in the House to put language in that would make prosecution for white-collar corporate crimes far tougher than it is today. So much for the getting rid of special favors thing.

Earlier that same day Dr. Will Ruger, the Charles Koch Institute's Senior VP for Policy and Research, described [ http://ladylibertine.net/2014/09/02/features/ ] the kind of government they were seeking as "limited to a small, but absolutely critical number of tasks, basically keeping our neighborhoods and cities safe from crime, defending our country from those who might violate our national territories, our commerce at sea and providing justice in a fair and apolitical -- political court system."

So when Charles Koch tells you he shares Bernie Sanders' disgust with cronyism, with a political system rigged on behalf of the top tier of society, but that the way to get there is more freedom and less government, keep in mind the kind of society he wants our nation to be: no minimum wage, no programs to help the homeless and other poor people out of poverty, less regulation so that he can make more profit, less government spending so that he can pay fewer taxes and a government so limited that it does not have any Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, public education or responsibility for clean water, clean air or consumer protection.

Here's something else to keep in mind -- just a few weeks ago at a posh resort outside Palm Springs, Charles Koch convened his winter donor meeting, bringing together billionaires and politicians willing to do their bidding. If that's not cronyism, I don't know what is.

Copyright © 2016 TheHuffingtonPost.com, Inc.

http://www.huffingtonpost.com/mike-lux/charles-kochs-bernie-bs_b_9279030.html [with comments]


--


Can you sell marijuana pipes to help fund Bernie Sanders?


Ceramic pipes touting Democratic presidential candidate Bernie Sanders made by Ariel Zimman of Portland, Oregon.
Facebook [ https://www.facebook.com/BurnersForBernie/photos/a.1595308224070230.1073741828.1595299587404427/1654723381462047
( https://www.facebook.com/BurnersForBernie/photos/a.1595308224070230.1073741828.1595299587404427/1654723381462047/?type=1&theater )]


Campaign finance experts clear the smoke

By Michael Beckel
4:20 am, February 23, 2016 Updated: 9:32 pm, February 24, 2016

Ariel Zimman is taking a decidedly grassroots approach to supporting Bernie Sanders [ https://www.publicintegrity.org/2015/04/30/17261/12-things-know-about-bernie-sanders ]’ presidential campaign. But the legality of her handiwork is hazy, at best.

The 29-year-old resident of Portland, Oregon, is marketing [ https://www.instagram.com/stonedwarecompany/ ] homemade ceramic pipes emblazoned with decals of Sanders’ head and campaign logo.

Her pro-Sanders “smoking ware” — targeted at the “Burners for Bernie [ https://www.facebook.com/BurnersForBernie ]” set — sells for $60 apiece. And she advertises that 10 percent of her proceeds will benefit the self-described socialist from Vermont who has emerged as an unexpectedly serious challenger to Hillary Clinton [ https://www.publicintegrity.org/2015/04/12/17107/12-things-know-about-hillary-clinton ] for the Democratic Party’s presidential nomination.

“It was really just a way to show my support for him as a candidate,” Zimman told the Center for Public Integrity [ http://www.publicintegrity.org/ ]. “People love [the pipes], and once they hear they are contributing in some way to the campaign, they are all about that too.”

But artists like Zimman looking to make a buck off Bernie best beware: While most observers say political campaigns are unlikely to take legal action against their own supporters, attorneys say entrepreneurs open themselves to risk by using candidates’ names, likenesses or logos — especially when promising to donate a specific portion of their sales.

“You can’t promise to pass the money along to the candidate,” said Joe Birkenstock [ http://www.sandlerreiff.com/attorneys/joseph-m-birkenstock/ ], an attorney at Sandler Reiff who previously served as the chief counsel of the Democratic National Committee.

“If I was advising one of these vendors, I would probably advise them to be a little less specific in their solicitation,” echoed Larry Noble [ http://www.campaignlegalcenter.org/team/lawrence-m-noble ], a former top lawyer for the Federal Election Commission who now works at the Campaign Legal Center [ http://www.campaignlegalcenter.org/ ].

That’s a step that Sanders-supporting artist Jackie Dandelion of Beacon, New York, has already taken.

Dandelion sells her

“Another Mermaid for Bernie Sanders [ https://www.etsy.com/listing/254240374/another-mermaid-for-bernie-sanders ]” bumper stickers for $8.50 apiece. She used to advertise that she’d donate 25 percent of each sale to Sanders. Now she simply notes that a portion of the proceeds — an unspecified figure greater than 25 percent — goes to his campaign.

“Just know when you purchase from me, you're purchasing from someone who actively supports Bernie Sanders for president,” she wrote [id.] on the peer-to-peer e-commerce website Etsy.com.

That website, and others like it, offer Bernie fans a number of imaginative ways to show their support, including

pendants [ https://www.etsy.com/listing/245062697/bernie-sanders-pendant-necklace-democrat ],
[img][/img]
makeup bags [ https://www.etsy.com/listing/247417533/bernie-sanders-mr-president-2016-makeup ] and

candles [ http://www.boonzyarts.com/candles/burn-one-for-bernie ].

Other lawyers contacted by the Center for Public Integrity didn’t find these activities as troubling.

Ken Gross [ https://www.skadden.com/professionals/kenneth-gross ], who leads the political law practice at Skadden Arps, noted that such artists are “actually doing good for the campaign,” even if the products they make are not licensed or authorized.

“I can’t imagine the campaign going against them,” Gross said. “They’re supporters. They don’t want to turn them off.”

Dan Backer [ http://www.dbcapitolstrategies.com/#!dan/galleryPage ], an attorney at DB Capitol Strategies, said pro-Sanders artists pledging to donate a portion of their profits are “attempting to entice sales from a target audience” and “are saying what they will do with their revenues,” not engaging in formal fundraising.

“It only becomes a problem if they say they will forward the money — not the profits — to the campaign,” Backer continued. “If they specifically say ‘Give me $10, I will send $2 to the campaign in your name, and the other $8 will go towards this stuff,’ that’s a problem.”

Like any donor, artists cannot exceed the $2,700 limit on political contributions [ http://www.fec.gov/info/contriblimitschart1516.pdf ] to federal candidates. And donations must also be made from personal funds, not a corporate account — although some limited liability companies are allowed [ http://www.fec.gov/rad/candidates/documents/PartnershipContributions_000.pdf ] to give so long as the money is attributed to a living, breathing human being.

Kenneth Pennington, Sanders’ digital director, told the Center for Public Integrity that the Sanders campaign doesn’t “authorize or condone” volunteer fundraising through the selling of products with the intent of passing along money to the campaign.

He declined to comment on the specific examples raised by the Center for Public Integrity, although he noted that “it’s not okay to sell things with the campaign’s logo.”

Zimman, the Portland-based pipe-maker, said she hasn’t heard one way or the other from Sanders’ campaign. But, she added, “If they need me to stop and they ask me to stop, I’ll stop.”

To date, Zimman said she’s contributed about $150 to Sanders. She plans on donating another $200 within a month. That amounts to about $3,000 worth of pipe sales, she said.

To hit the legal limit on how much she could donate to Sanders, she would need to sell about 400 more — likely a stretch for her one-woman operation.

“There is profit on my side of the business, but I’m also doing it for their profit as well,” Zimman said.

“It’s not a huge profit scheme that I’m working on,” she continued. “I would hope that Mr. Sanders would be like, ‘Yeah, you’re a small business, and you’re doing something that obviously is filling a need in the marketplace.'”

Copyright 2016 The Center for Public Integrity

http://www.publicintegrity.org/2016/02/23/19343/can-you-sell-marijuana-pipes-help-fund-bernie-sanders [with comments] [also at/image taken from http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/can-you-sell-marijuana-pipes-to-help-fund-bernie-sanders_us_56cce5eae4b041136f18b4b6 (with comments)]


===


this is part 1 of a 6-part repost of the post to which this is a reply ( http://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=120897208 ) -- part 2 of this repost is a reply to this post -- the '..., see also (linked in)' listing below, common to all 6 parts of this repost, is the listing found in the post to which this is a reply ( http://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=120897208 ), updated to reflect additional posts through the time of this part 1 of this repost


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Greensburg, KS - 5/4/07

"Eternal vigilance is the price of Liberty."
from John Philpot Curran, Speech
upon the Right of Election, 1790


F6

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