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ta_bull_rider

08/31/04 7:55 PM

#62581 RE: harrypothead #62523

I started to read your article, and then read the following:

It should be noted that most Moslems are not by nature any more warlike than are you or your neighbors. But some of them have been driven to desperation during years and centuries past.

This is ridiculous, the entire Middle East can be categorized by violence and political unrest. People in the ME are driven by religious zealotism. Just as we categorize ourselves as Democrats/Republicans, they categorize themselves based on different sects of Islam.

Sure, the U.S. has played a part in the ME, because of our oil interests. We have sought to influence events in the ME that protect our oil interests. I don't think the U.S. has been on any holy crusade in the ME, or any attempt to protect the "Promised Land."

With that being said, I believe we should protect our oil interests. If there's any argument against the U.S., it's that we haven't done enough to remove our oil dependency from the region. In all fairness, Bush's only proposal has been to drill in Alaska. He sees the problem as "where else can we get oil?" as opposed to "what can we use to replace oil?" This is one of the big problems I have with Bush, as I've reiterated repeatedly.
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OrangeFluffyCat

08/31/04 8:18 PM

#62582 RE: harrypothead #62523

The 'R' Word; Justice Souter Takes on a Health Care Taboo
WHICH side are you on?" goes an old union song. It's a question patients might be asking their doctors in the wake of the Supreme Court's decision, shielding health maintenance organizations from some lawsuits by patients in federal court.

The case, Pegram v. Herdrich, concerned a woman whose appendix burst after she was made to wait eight days to take a diagnostic test for abdominal pain. She contended that her H.M.O., which, like many health plans, gave doctors financial incentives to hold down costs, improperly restricted patients' access to medical procedures.

Last I knew, you could die if your appendix burst. And I thought appendicitis was pretty basic to diagnose.

The court's decision for the health plan made blunt comments about the role of H.M.O.'s in rationing care. Such rationing, the court said, is intrinsic to the design and mission of H.M.O.'s, blessed by Congress since 1973. Writing for a unanimous court, Justice David H. Souter said, "No H.M.O. organization could survive without some incentive connecting physician reward with treatment rationing."

Whatever the form of an H.M.O., "there must be rationing and inducement to ration" care, Justice Souter declared. Such inducements, he said, especially "the profit incentive to ration care," go "to the very point of any H.M.O. scheme." If plaintiffs could challenge such incentives in federal court, he said, it would open the courts to "wholesale attacks" on H.M.O.'s.

M. Gregg Bloche, a professor at Georgetown University Law Center, said it was "stunning to see the Supreme Court say openly that H.M.O.'s ration care."

In 1993 and 1994, when President Clinton was trying to overhaul the nation's health care system, and in the next three years, when Congressional Republicans tried to encourage the use of H.M.O.'s in Medicare, "they never talked openly about denying beneficial care in order to restrain costs," Mr. Bloche said.

Among H.M.O.'s the very word "rationing" is radioactive, because it suggests that some patients are denied treatments they need.

Karen M. Ignagni, president of the American Association of Health Plans, the industry's main trade association, said: "H.M.O.'s make decisions weighing costs against benefits. Justice Souter called that rationing, but there are other ways to talk about it. We try to provide broad access to care of the highest quality at the lowest cost. In doing so, a health plan makes decisions about the appropriateness of care."

H.M.O.'s say they weigh costs and benefits more systematically than doctors or hospitals acting alone. However, critics, including many doctors, say that H.M.O.'s, in effect, practice medicine, by putting pressure on doctors to keep the cost of care within limits set by a distant corporation, without regard to the needs of a particular patient.

Some people -- ethicists, mainly -- have suggested that doctors should talk more openly about cost as a factor in medical decisions.

"Bedside rationing must be done with intelligence and fairness," said Dr. Steven D. Pearson, director of the Center for Ethics in Managed Care at Harvard Medical School. "Rationing of medical services by individual doctors is both necessary and good. People want unlimited medical care without unlimited spending. If you are going to limit health care spending, you must consciously allocate resources and say no to some beneficial services while trying to use the money available to produce the greatest good."

Moreover, Dr. Pearson said, "We can be more up front in talking to patients about rationing, just as we learned that we can talk to them about the reality of cancer and imminent death."

For his part, Justice Souter simply treated rationing as a fact of life, and said Congress should distinguish between good and bad forms of it.

"Any legal principle purporting to draw a line between good and bad H.M.O.'s would embody, in effect, a judgment about socially acceptable medical risk," Justice Souter said. He invited Congress to make this judgment, saying it was better equipped than the judiciary to collect and evaluate the data bearing on such complex issues.

Did Justice Souter use the word "rationing" in a purposeful way, to educate the public and foster a more candid debate? Or was he just unfamiliar with the word's negative connotations?

Professor Bloche said: "I think Justice Souter knew exactly what he was doing. The court is trying to shape the debate and make it more honest." In effect, Mr. Bloche said, the court was saying to the American people: "Wake up. Health plans are holding down costs by denying beneficial care. The essence of the H.M.O. concept is rationing."

On the other hand, Alan D. Bloom, senior vice president and general counsel of Maxicare Health Plans, a managed care company in Los Angeles, said: "The court did not understand the use of the word 'ration.' It's an unfortunate word, which implies that needed care is being cut back. I'd call it changing the incentives, or changing the site of care, as medically appropriate."

H.M.O.'s claimed the court's decision as a victory, but it could prove costly. Justice Souter, while shutting the door to federal court to some patients, may have opened the doors of state courts.

Prof. Sara Rosenbaum of George Washington University, whose casebook on health law was cited in last week's ruling, said: "Justice Souter cleared the way for states to create new remedies. The H.M.O. has a life as a medical provider. If it causes injury by itself or through its doctors, it may be liable to the patient for negligence under state law."

FOR years, lower courts rejected malpractice and negligence claims against H.M.O.'s providing care through employer-sponsored health plans. But in rulings over the last 30 months, judges across the country have allowed patients to pursue such claims in state courts. Justice Souter's opinion may encourage that trend, for he appeared to endorse the view of lower federal courts, which have held that patients may sue H.M.O.'s in state court for negligence.

However the issue plays out on the state level, last week's decision increases the pressure on Congress to clarify the rights of patients. Jamie Court, a consumer advocate at the Foundation for Taxpayer and Consumer Rights in Santa Monica, Calif., said, "The decision is a challenge to Congress to settle the question whether patients should be able to sue H.M.O.'s in state court, just as they can sue companies in other industries that mistreat or injure consumers."

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OrangeFluffyCat

08/31/04 8:28 PM

#62584 RE: harrypothead #62523

Bush's kind of "judge"

When he couldn't get Congress to confirm, he did a recess appointment. Position for life.

Dismantling Civil Rights.
Pryor has been one of the leading proponents of reviving states' rights at the expense of federal civil rights protections.

Under Pryor's leadership, Alabama was the only state to challenge the constitutionality of a provision of the Violence Against Women Act (United States v. Morrison).8 Pryor also argued that the Supreme Court should cut back on the protections of the Age Discrimination in Employment Act, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Americans with Disabilities Act, the Family and Medical Leave Act, 9and the Clean Water Act.

Attacking Americans with disabilities. In 2002, Pryor argued in Board of Trustees of Alabama v. Garrett that Congress had no power to prohibit state employers from discriminating against disabled persons. He also argued that Congress could not force state entities to provide accommodations to the disabled. Jim Ward, president of ADA Watch, a disability rights group, concludes that "all of the evidence shows [Pryor] puts ideology over justice and ideas over people. We're dealing with one of the leaders of an extreme movement to roll back federal protections."

The Atlanta Journal-Constitution summarized Pryor's record as "far out of the mainstream ... Pryor has attacked federal environmental protections on the basis of his radical states' rights philosophy."

Attacking the Clean Water Act. In the 2001 case of Solid Waste Agency of North Cook County v. U.S. Army Corp of Engineers, William Pryor filed an amicus brief at the Supreme Court to prevent the federal government from regulating small bodies of water under the Clean Water Act. Pryor was the only state attorney general to do so.

In 2002, Pryor also testified to Congress against the Environmental Protection Agency's enforcement of the Clean Water Act.

Attacking the Endangered Species Act. Pryor also filed a brief in Gibbs v. Babbitt (2001) to strip the federal government of the authority, under the Endangered Species Act, to prevent the killing of red wolves


Voting Rights.
Pryor has urged Congress to consider getting rid of a key provision of the Voting Rights Act, which protects the right to vote for African-Americans. While testifying before a Congressional Committee, Pryor urged the Committee to "consider seriously...the repeal or amendment of Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act, which [he labeled an] affront to federalism and an expansive burden that has far outlived its usefulness."10

Attacking voting rights. In 1997, Pryor testified before Congress that state and local changes to voting procedures that may effect minority voters should not have to be cleared through the Justice Department -- as required by Section Five of the Voting Rights Act. Pryor's position led civil rights leaders, including Martin Luther King III and Rev. Fred Shuttlesworth, to oppose his nomination.


Rights of Gays and Lesbians.
During his tenure as Alabama Attorney General, Pryor has taken a number of actions hostile to the rights of gays and lesbians.


In 1995, as a Deputy Attorney General, Pryor and then-Attorney General Jeff Sessions joined an amicus brief in support of the state of Colorado's defense of a voter initiative that prohibited local governments from enacting laws protecting gays and lesbians from discrimination (Romer v. Evans).11 Explaining why his office felt compelled to join the brief, Pryor stated: "The attorney general of Alabama felt strongly that we don't need to be finding new rights in our Constitution [because] we've done enough of that in recent years."12

In 2002, Pryor filed an anti-gay brief in Lawrence v. Texas on behalf of Alabama urging the Supreme Court to uphold Texas' law banning same-sex sodomy. Pryor argued that a "constitutional right that protects `the choice of one's partner' and `whether and how to connect sexually' must logically extend to activities like prostitution, adultery, necrophilia, bestiality, possession of child pornography, and even incest and pedophilia."13
Separation of Church and State.

Pryor has demonstrated a general lack of respect for the constitutional wall separating church and state. For example, Pryor has vigorously defended the display of the Ten Commandments in state courthouses.


Pryor has also defended a state judge's sponsorship of Christian prayers before jury assemblies.14
In 1997, Pryor, along with the Christian Coalition's Ralph Reed, attended a "Save the Commandments" rally in Montgomery, Alabama where he stated: "God has chosen, through his son Jesus Christ, this time and this place for all Christians...to save our country and save our courts."15
Cruel and Unusual Punishment.
Over the course of his career in the Attorney General's office, Pryor has been a vocal opponent of the rights of criminal defendants.

In 1995, Governor Fob James revived the practice of chaining unruly prisoners to hitching posts.16 Inmate Larry Hope had been handcuffed to a hitching post on several occasions, and denied access to water and the bathroom.17 Pryor vigorously defended the actions of the prison officials.18 The Supreme Court rejected Pryor's argument: "Hope was treated in a way antithetical to human dignity -- he was hitched to a post for an extended period of time in a position that was painful and under circumstances that were both degrading and dangerous. The obvious cruelty of the practice should have put the guards on notice that they were violating the inmate's constitutional rights."19

Pryor also argued that states' execution of mentally retarded inmates did not violate the U.S. Constitution.20 The U.S. Supreme Court, in Atkins v. Virginia, again rejected Pryor's argument, and prohibited all states from executing the mentally retarded.