Monday, October 25, 2004 8:56:47 PM
Gaining control of Russian oil
I have previously posted that there is mounting evidence that Bush is behind the slaughter of the Russian school children in Beslan near Chechnya.
Basayev is currently working with Maskadov who is currently working with Akhmadov who has been granted asylum by the United States.
#msg-3959917
#msg-3750641
#msg-4126775
#msg-3953878
The International Forecaster editor Bob Chapman writes: The group that massacred 170 children and 130 adults in Beslan led by CIA operative Shamil Basayev, took their orders from abroad ... there is no question this is an extension of Anglo-American foreign policy to dismember Russia as we predicted 12 years ago.
#msg-4194861
Joe Vialls offers a plethora of new facts pointing to the same conclusion reached by Chapman and myself. I do not agree with everything Vialls offers. However, beyond that which is questionable there exists enough evidence to condemn Bush and the elitists or initiates who pulled his strings in this tragic affair.
#msg-4307815
A Chechnya made independent with Bush’s help may also be the prelude to the longer-term break-up of Russia herself: the CIA predicted that oil-rich Siberia might escape Moscow’s control in its report, Global Trends 2015, published in April.
-Am
Gaining control of Russian oil
John Laughland
11th October 2004
The fax-back service for pre-written newspaper articles must have been working overtime these last few weeks at Langley, Virginia. A flood of articles has appeared in the press attacking the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, especially in the wake of the Beslan massacre. They all have the same structure. Whenever you read the words, “Nothing can excuse the murder of children,” you know that a big “But” is looming. Such articles invariably go on to explain why the murder of children is indeed understandable, and the reason usually given is Russian authoritarianism, against which the Chechen rebellion is natural and legitimate.
During the reign of Chechen leader Djokar Dudaev, while Boris Yeltsin was president, and while the West was happily looting Russia, the Chechens were often described in the Western press as a bunch of bandits and Mafia gangsters. As recently as 2001, indeed, President Bush said that Vladimir Putin was a man he could trust – as if world leaders required or enjoyed such benediction from the world emperor. But those events are in the past, and Russia is now instead branded a dictatorship. Colin Powell gave an interview to Reuters on 14th September in which he berated Putin for rolling back democracy and instructed him to seek a political solution to the Chechen question, in whose cause schoolchildren had been shot in the back while trying to escape their captors. [ii] That the US administration has now formally turned against Russia, precisely at the moment when the terrorist threat against her is there for the whole world to see, both explains this sudden glut of articles by pro-US journalists and also poses the question: “Why?”
One of the articles, perhaps inadvertently, spilt the beans. The Chechen leader Ahmed Zakayev wrote in The Wall Street Journal on 29th September 2004 [iii] that
“The West has a clear choice. It can continue to support the KGB dictatorship of Mr. Putin, which sooner or later will turn against the West and side with its enemies through its strategic goal of undermining the "unipolar" world order and keeping oil prices high. Or it can change course and insist on resolving the Chechen conflict through negotiated settlement.” (my italics).
In other words, the “negotiated settlement” in Chechnya, which the US Secretary of Defence, Colin Powell, has instructed the Russian government to seek, is the way to prevent Russia from ever counter-balancing the United States in world affairs, and to get the oil price down.
Where is the connection? Chechnya borders Georgia, and Georgia, like Azerbaidjan, is on the fast track to join NATO. There are already hundreds of US troops in Georgia, training the local forces. They are there for two reasons: first, to protect the US-built Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline; secondly – and this follows from the first – to assist Georgia in recuperating her two secessionist territories, South Ossetia and Abkhazia. It will not do to have Russia anywhere close to the pipeline, and she has troops in both these areas. Pushing Russia comprehensively out of the Caucasus, and humiliating her, requires victory for the Chechens. An independent Chechnya may also be the prelude to the longer-term break-up of Russia herself: the CIA predicted that oil-rich Siberia might escape Moscow’s control in its report, Global Trends 2015, published in April.
This imperative of getting the oil price down, and of establishing control over the sources and transport of hydrocarbons, and has become all the more urgent as the situation in Iraq deteriorates. Oddly enough, it was Mikhaïl Khodorkovsky, the now-imprisoned Russian oil billionaire, who first drew my attention to the true American war aims in Iraq, when Chris Sanders and I met him in September 2002.[iv] Khodorkovksy feared that if the US gained control of the Iraqi oilfields, it would pump out so much oil that the price would fall to $12 a barrel. This, he told me, would destroy the Russian oil industry and Russia herself. His worst fears have gone unfulfilled for one simple reason: the unexpected tenacity of the Iraqi resistance.
This is why US strategists are now looking to make up for the mistakes they have so spectacularly made in Iraq. It is this, and not any real change in the internal political situation in Russia, which explains the West’s turn against Putin: the West needs to gain control of Russian oil. The West’s failure in Iraq is as striking as its success in Eastern Europe. The former communist states of Europe have now been comprehensively colonised by the US and its European allies. The political penetration of them is now total, as became clear in February 2003, when the US was able to call on heads of state and government in every single East European member of the EU and NATO to produce an open letter supporting the impending Anglo-American attack on Iraq, at a time when the whole of the rest of the world was lining up against it. Even (perhaps particularly) the Bosnian Serbs, whose terrifying ‘nationalism’ – according to the New World Order fairy-tale version of events – is supposed to have set the Balkans alight in the 1990s, have shown no desire whatever to get rid of the American military bases implanted in their midst since then. The fact that the height of Slavic resistance to the command “Jump!” is to ask for permission to smoke another cigarette first was undoubtedly the reason why American strategists were notoriously convinced that colonising Iraq would be ‘a cakewalk’. Russia also presents the advantage of being the second or third largest producer of oil in the world (after Saudi Arabia and perhaps Iraq) and having the world’s biggest reserves.
Simultaneously, efforts are being redoubled to crank into action the various pipelines which are supposed to transport Caspian oil to Western markets. One of these is the Brody pipeline which runs between the Ukrainian town of that name and the Black Sea port of Odessa (a Russian city but also in Ukraine). The Brody pipeline was initially supposed to take US-controlled Caspian oil to Western markets, but it has instead been pumping Russia oil, something the Americans do not like.[v] So the New World Order strategists are determined to put their man in control of Ukraine, at the presidential election on 31st October. Huge influence, and presumably money, is being pumped in to ensure a victory for Victor Yushchenko. Paul Wolfowitz said in Warsaw on 5th October that Ukraine should join NATO;[vi] Mark Brzezinski and Richard Holbrooke have rattled their sabres over Ukraine,[vii] and Anders Aslund, the architect of Yelstin’s mass larceny, has eloquently outlined the West’s strategic interest in that country.[viii]
These national strategic interests are, as ever, supported by the private interests of the powerful people lobbying for this new anti-Putin policy. They include people like David Owen and Jacob Rothschild: the former is Yukos’ representative in Britain, the latter put up much of Khodorkovsky’s original money, and sits (together with Henry Kissinger) on the board of the Open Russia Foundation, a Yukos front.[ix] They also include Anders Aslund, one of the signatories of the AEI’s Open Letter, who works for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, which is funded by Yukos.[x] Conoco Phillips – the strategic ally of Chevron, on whose board Condoleezza Rice sat for many years – has recently announced a “strategic alliance” with Lukoil, the second largest private oil company in the world,[xi] and Conoco Phillips is said to want a controlling stake in the Russian company.[xii] Before Khodorkovsky’s arrest, indeed, it was said that he wanted to sell Yukos to an American company.
Cheap oil is a matter of life and death for the US, and it is a matter of considerable personal importance to many powerful people. The maintenance of a US-dominated unipolar world, especially in monetary affairs, is also an absolute imperative. Anything which stands in the way of these imperatives must be crushed – and Russia stands in the way of both.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Examples of this genre have been: the Open Letter signed by one hundred politicians and intellectuals and published on the American Enterprise Institute web site. “An Open LetterTo the Heads of State and Government Of the European Union and NATO”, http://www.aei.org/news/newsID.21294/news_detail.asp
The signatories are: *Mr. Urban Ahlin, Member of Parliament, Sweden; The Honorable Giuliano Amato, Former Prime Minister, Italy; Dr. Uzi Arad, Institute for Policy and Strategy, Israel; Dr. Timothy Garton Ash, St. Antony’s College, Oxford, United Kingdom; Dr. Anders Aslund, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, United States; Dr. Ronald D. Asmus, The German Marshall Fund of the United States, United States; Mr. Rafael L. Bardaji, Strategic Studies Group, Spain; Prof. Wladyslaw Bartoszewski, Former Foreign Minister, Poland; Dr. Arnold Beichman, Hoover Institution, United States; Dr. Jeff Bergner, Former Staff Director, U.S. Senate, United States; The Honorable Joseph R. Biden, Senator, United States Mr. Carl Bildt, Former Prime Minister, Sweden; Mr. Max Boot, The Council on Foreign Relations, United States; Ms. Ellen Bork, Project for the New American Century, United States; Mr. Pascal Bruckner, Writer, France; Mr. Mark Brzezinski, McGuire Woods LLP, United States; Mr. Reinhard Buetikofer, Chairman, Green Party, Germany; Dr. Janusz Bugajski, Center for Strategic and International Studies, United States; Sir Michael Butler, Former Permanent Representative to the European Community, United Kingdom; The Honorable Martin Butora, Former Ambassador, Slovakia; Mr. Daniele Capezzone, Italy; The Honorable Per Carlsen, Institute of International Affairs, Denmark; Ms. Gunilla Carlsson, Member of Parliament, Sweden; Dr. Ivo Daalder, Brookings Institution, United States; The Honorable Massimo D'Alema, Former Prime Minister, Italy; Mr. Pavol Demes, Former Foreign Minister, Slovakia; Dr. Larry Diamond, United States; His Excellency Philip Dimitrov, Former Prime Minister, Bulgaria; Mr. Thomas Donnelly, American Enterprise Institute, United States; Mr. Nicholas Eberstadt, American Enterprise Institute, United States; Mr. Uffe Ellemann-Jensen, Former Foreign Minister, Denmark; Ms. Helga Flores Trejo, Heinrich Böll Foundation of North America, United States; Dr. Francis Fukuyama, United States; Dr. Jeffrey Gedmin, Aspen Institute Berlin, Germany; Prof. Bronislaw Geremek, Former Foreign Affairs Minister and Member of European Parliament, Poland; Dr. Carl Gershman, National Endowment for Democracy, United States; The Honorable Marc Ginsberg, United States; Mr. Andre Glucksmann, Writer, France; Dr. Phil Gordon, Brookings Institution, United States; The Honorable Karl-Theodor von und zu Guttenberg, Member of Parliament, Germany; The Honorable Istvan Gyarmati, Institute for Euro-Atlanticism and Democracy, Hungary; Mr. Pierre Hassner, Center for International Studies and Research, France; His Excellency Vaclav Havel, Former President, Czech Republic; The Honorable Richard C. Holbrooke, Former Ambassador to the United Nations, United States; The Honorable Toomas Ilves, Former Foreign Minister and Member of European Parliament, Estonia; Mr. Bruce Jackson, Project on Transitional Democracies, United States; Dr. Donald Kagan, Yale University, United States; Mr. Robert Kagan, United States; Mr. Jerzy Kozminski, Former Ambassador to the United States, Poland; Mr. Craig Kennedy, The German Marshall Fund of the United States, United States; Ms. Glenys Kinnock, Member of European Parliament, United Kingdom; Dr. Bernard Kouchner, Former UN Special Envoy to Kosovo, France; Dr. Ivan Krastev, Center for Liberal Strategies, Bulgaria; Mr. William Kristol, Project for the New American Century, United States; The Honorable Girts Valdis Kristovskis, Former Minister of Defense, Latvia; Prof. Dr. Ludger Kuehnhardt, University of Bonn, Germany; The Honorable Mart Laar, Former Prime Minister, Estonia; The Honorable Vytautas Landsbergis, former President and Member of European Parliament, Lithuania; Dr. Stephen Larrabee, RAND Corporation, United States; Mr. Mark Leonard, The Foreign Policy Center, United Kingdom; The Honorable Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger, Member of European Parliament, Germany; Mr. Tod Lindberg, Policy Review, United States; Mr. Tom Malinowski, Human Rights Watch, United States; Mr. Will Marshall, Progressive Policy Institute, United States; Prof. Dr. Margarita Mathiopoulos, University of Potsdam, Germany; Mr. Clifford May, United States; The Honorable John McCain, Senator, United States; Dr. Michael McFaul, United States; Mr. Matteo Mecacci, Italy; Mr. Mark Medish, Former Senior Director of the National Security Council, United States; Prof. Dr. Thomas O. Melia, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, United States; Dr. Sarah E. Mendelson, United States; Mr. Michael Mertes, Dimap Consult, Germany; The Honorable Ilir Meta, Former Prime Minister, Albania; Mr. Adam Michnik, Gazeta Wyborcza, Poland; The Honorable Richard Morningstar, Former Ambassador to the EU, United States; Dr. Joshua Muravchik, American Enterprise Institute, United States; Gen. Klaus Naumann (ret.), Former Chairman NATO Military Committee, Germany; The Honorable Dietmar Nietan, Member of Parliament, Germany; Mr. James O’Brien, Former Presidential Envoy to the Balkans, United States; The Honorable Janusz Onyszkiewicz, Member of European Parliament, Poland; The Honorable Cem Ozdemir, Member of European Parliament, Germany; Dr. Can Paker, Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation, Turkey; Ambassador Mark Palmer, Capital Development Company, LLC, United States; Mr. Martin Peretz, United States; The Honorable Dr. Friedbert Pflueger, Member of Parliament, Germany; Ms. Danielle Pletka, American Enterprise Institute, United States; Mr. Florentino Portero, Strategic Studies Group, Spain; Ms. Samantha Ravich, Phd, Long Term Strategy Project, United States; The Honorable Janusz Reiter, Center for International Relations, Poland; The Honorable Alex Rondos, Former Ambassador, Greece; The Honorable Jim Rosapepe, Former Ambassador to Romania, United States; Dr. Jacques Rupnik, Center for International Studies and Research, France; Prof. Dr. Eberhard Sandschneider, German Council on Foreign Relations, Germany; Mr. Randy Scheunemann, Project for the New American Century, United States; Dr. Gary Schmitt, Project for the New American Century, United States; Dr. Simon Serfaty, Center for Strategic and International Studies, United States; The Honorable Stephen Sestanovich, United States; Mr. Radek Sikorski, American Enterprise Institute, United States; Mr. Stefano Silvestri, Institute for International Affairs, Italy; Mr. Martin Simecka, Editor, Slovakia; Dr. Gary Smith, American Academy in Berlin, Germany; Dr. Abraham Sofaer, Hoover Institution, United States; Mr. James Steinberg, The Brookings Institution, United States; Mr. Gary Titley, Member of European Parliament, United Kingdom; Mr. Ivan Vejvoda, Fund for Open Society, Serbia; The Honorable Sasha Vondra, Former Deputy Foreign Minister, Czech Republic; Dr. Celeste Wallander, Center for Strategic and International Studies, United States; Prof. Ruth Wedgwood, United States; Dr. Richard Weitz, Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis, United States; Mr. Kenneth Weinstein, Hudson Institute, United States; Ms. Jennifer Windsor, Freedom House, United States; Mr. R. James Woolsey, United States.
Other examples include “Violence begets violence” by Khassan Baiev in The Boston Globe on 13th September 2004, http://www.iht.com/articles/538399.html, and the delightfully hallucinogenic piece by Richard Holbrooke and Mark Brzezinski (nephew of Zbigniew) in The Financial Times of 7th October 2004, calling for “tough love” to be visited on Russia. There are many more such pieces listed on the web site of the American Committee for Peace in Chechnya, http://www.peaceinchechnya.org/
[ii] Interview with Reuters, 14th September 2004, http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/36177.htm
[iii] “Putin’s Sudetenland,” Reprinted at: http://www.defenddemocracy.org/research_topics/research_topics_show.htm?doc_id=241432&attrib_id=....
[iv] See my interview with Khodorkovsky, The Spectator, 28th September 2002. http://www.spectator.co.uk/article.php?table=old§ion=current&issue=2004-10-09&id=229....
[v] “Brody Pipeline "Could Still Pump Caspian Oil" – Official”, 20th August 2004, http://www.caspianstudies.com/recent%20event%20(20%20aug.).htm
[vi] Agence France-Presse, 5th October 2004
[vii] Financial Times, 7th October 2004
[viii] “Ukraine at a Crossroads,” Washington Post, 29th September 2004, http://www.carnegieendowment.org/publications/index.cfm?fa=view&id=15893
[ix] http://www.openrussiafoundation.com/
[x] See the list of donors, http://www.carnegieendowment.org/about/index.cfm?fa=funding
[xi] http://www.conocophillips.com/news/nr/092904_moscow.asp
[xii] http://www.businessreport.co.za/index.php?fArticleId=2206276
http://www.sandersresearch.com/Sanders/NewsManager/ShowNewsGen.aspx?NewsID=743
I have previously posted that there is mounting evidence that Bush is behind the slaughter of the Russian school children in Beslan near Chechnya.
Basayev is currently working with Maskadov who is currently working with Akhmadov who has been granted asylum by the United States.
#msg-3959917
#msg-3750641
#msg-4126775
#msg-3953878
The International Forecaster editor Bob Chapman writes: The group that massacred 170 children and 130 adults in Beslan led by CIA operative Shamil Basayev, took their orders from abroad ... there is no question this is an extension of Anglo-American foreign policy to dismember Russia as we predicted 12 years ago.
#msg-4194861
Joe Vialls offers a plethora of new facts pointing to the same conclusion reached by Chapman and myself. I do not agree with everything Vialls offers. However, beyond that which is questionable there exists enough evidence to condemn Bush and the elitists or initiates who pulled his strings in this tragic affair.
#msg-4307815
A Chechnya made independent with Bush’s help may also be the prelude to the longer-term break-up of Russia herself: the CIA predicted that oil-rich Siberia might escape Moscow’s control in its report, Global Trends 2015, published in April.
-Am
Gaining control of Russian oil
John Laughland
11th October 2004
The fax-back service for pre-written newspaper articles must have been working overtime these last few weeks at Langley, Virginia. A flood of articles has appeared in the press attacking the Russian president, Vladimir Putin, especially in the wake of the Beslan massacre. They all have the same structure. Whenever you read the words, “Nothing can excuse the murder of children,” you know that a big “But” is looming. Such articles invariably go on to explain why the murder of children is indeed understandable, and the reason usually given is Russian authoritarianism, against which the Chechen rebellion is natural and legitimate.
During the reign of Chechen leader Djokar Dudaev, while Boris Yeltsin was president, and while the West was happily looting Russia, the Chechens were often described in the Western press as a bunch of bandits and Mafia gangsters. As recently as 2001, indeed, President Bush said that Vladimir Putin was a man he could trust – as if world leaders required or enjoyed such benediction from the world emperor. But those events are in the past, and Russia is now instead branded a dictatorship. Colin Powell gave an interview to Reuters on 14th September in which he berated Putin for rolling back democracy and instructed him to seek a political solution to the Chechen question, in whose cause schoolchildren had been shot in the back while trying to escape their captors. [ii] That the US administration has now formally turned against Russia, precisely at the moment when the terrorist threat against her is there for the whole world to see, both explains this sudden glut of articles by pro-US journalists and also poses the question: “Why?”
One of the articles, perhaps inadvertently, spilt the beans. The Chechen leader Ahmed Zakayev wrote in The Wall Street Journal on 29th September 2004 [iii] that
“The West has a clear choice. It can continue to support the KGB dictatorship of Mr. Putin, which sooner or later will turn against the West and side with its enemies through its strategic goal of undermining the "unipolar" world order and keeping oil prices high. Or it can change course and insist on resolving the Chechen conflict through negotiated settlement.” (my italics).
In other words, the “negotiated settlement” in Chechnya, which the US Secretary of Defence, Colin Powell, has instructed the Russian government to seek, is the way to prevent Russia from ever counter-balancing the United States in world affairs, and to get the oil price down.
Where is the connection? Chechnya borders Georgia, and Georgia, like Azerbaidjan, is on the fast track to join NATO. There are already hundreds of US troops in Georgia, training the local forces. They are there for two reasons: first, to protect the US-built Baku-Tbilisi-Ceyhan pipeline; secondly – and this follows from the first – to assist Georgia in recuperating her two secessionist territories, South Ossetia and Abkhazia. It will not do to have Russia anywhere close to the pipeline, and she has troops in both these areas. Pushing Russia comprehensively out of the Caucasus, and humiliating her, requires victory for the Chechens. An independent Chechnya may also be the prelude to the longer-term break-up of Russia herself: the CIA predicted that oil-rich Siberia might escape Moscow’s control in its report, Global Trends 2015, published in April.
This imperative of getting the oil price down, and of establishing control over the sources and transport of hydrocarbons, and has become all the more urgent as the situation in Iraq deteriorates. Oddly enough, it was Mikhaïl Khodorkovsky, the now-imprisoned Russian oil billionaire, who first drew my attention to the true American war aims in Iraq, when Chris Sanders and I met him in September 2002.[iv] Khodorkovksy feared that if the US gained control of the Iraqi oilfields, it would pump out so much oil that the price would fall to $12 a barrel. This, he told me, would destroy the Russian oil industry and Russia herself. His worst fears have gone unfulfilled for one simple reason: the unexpected tenacity of the Iraqi resistance.
This is why US strategists are now looking to make up for the mistakes they have so spectacularly made in Iraq. It is this, and not any real change in the internal political situation in Russia, which explains the West’s turn against Putin: the West needs to gain control of Russian oil. The West’s failure in Iraq is as striking as its success in Eastern Europe. The former communist states of Europe have now been comprehensively colonised by the US and its European allies. The political penetration of them is now total, as became clear in February 2003, when the US was able to call on heads of state and government in every single East European member of the EU and NATO to produce an open letter supporting the impending Anglo-American attack on Iraq, at a time when the whole of the rest of the world was lining up against it. Even (perhaps particularly) the Bosnian Serbs, whose terrifying ‘nationalism’ – according to the New World Order fairy-tale version of events – is supposed to have set the Balkans alight in the 1990s, have shown no desire whatever to get rid of the American military bases implanted in their midst since then. The fact that the height of Slavic resistance to the command “Jump!” is to ask for permission to smoke another cigarette first was undoubtedly the reason why American strategists were notoriously convinced that colonising Iraq would be ‘a cakewalk’. Russia also presents the advantage of being the second or third largest producer of oil in the world (after Saudi Arabia and perhaps Iraq) and having the world’s biggest reserves.
Simultaneously, efforts are being redoubled to crank into action the various pipelines which are supposed to transport Caspian oil to Western markets. One of these is the Brody pipeline which runs between the Ukrainian town of that name and the Black Sea port of Odessa (a Russian city but also in Ukraine). The Brody pipeline was initially supposed to take US-controlled Caspian oil to Western markets, but it has instead been pumping Russia oil, something the Americans do not like.[v] So the New World Order strategists are determined to put their man in control of Ukraine, at the presidential election on 31st October. Huge influence, and presumably money, is being pumped in to ensure a victory for Victor Yushchenko. Paul Wolfowitz said in Warsaw on 5th October that Ukraine should join NATO;[vi] Mark Brzezinski and Richard Holbrooke have rattled their sabres over Ukraine,[vii] and Anders Aslund, the architect of Yelstin’s mass larceny, has eloquently outlined the West’s strategic interest in that country.[viii]
These national strategic interests are, as ever, supported by the private interests of the powerful people lobbying for this new anti-Putin policy. They include people like David Owen and Jacob Rothschild: the former is Yukos’ representative in Britain, the latter put up much of Khodorkovsky’s original money, and sits (together with Henry Kissinger) on the board of the Open Russia Foundation, a Yukos front.[ix] They also include Anders Aslund, one of the signatories of the AEI’s Open Letter, who works for the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, which is funded by Yukos.[x] Conoco Phillips – the strategic ally of Chevron, on whose board Condoleezza Rice sat for many years – has recently announced a “strategic alliance” with Lukoil, the second largest private oil company in the world,[xi] and Conoco Phillips is said to want a controlling stake in the Russian company.[xii] Before Khodorkovsky’s arrest, indeed, it was said that he wanted to sell Yukos to an American company.
Cheap oil is a matter of life and death for the US, and it is a matter of considerable personal importance to many powerful people. The maintenance of a US-dominated unipolar world, especially in monetary affairs, is also an absolute imperative. Anything which stands in the way of these imperatives must be crushed – and Russia stands in the way of both.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Examples of this genre have been: the Open Letter signed by one hundred politicians and intellectuals and published on the American Enterprise Institute web site. “An Open LetterTo the Heads of State and Government Of the European Union and NATO”, http://www.aei.org/news/newsID.21294/news_detail.asp
The signatories are: *Mr. Urban Ahlin, Member of Parliament, Sweden; The Honorable Giuliano Amato, Former Prime Minister, Italy; Dr. Uzi Arad, Institute for Policy and Strategy, Israel; Dr. Timothy Garton Ash, St. Antony’s College, Oxford, United Kingdom; Dr. Anders Aslund, Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, United States; Dr. Ronald D. Asmus, The German Marshall Fund of the United States, United States; Mr. Rafael L. Bardaji, Strategic Studies Group, Spain; Prof. Wladyslaw Bartoszewski, Former Foreign Minister, Poland; Dr. Arnold Beichman, Hoover Institution, United States; Dr. Jeff Bergner, Former Staff Director, U.S. Senate, United States; The Honorable Joseph R. Biden, Senator, United States Mr. Carl Bildt, Former Prime Minister, Sweden; Mr. Max Boot, The Council on Foreign Relations, United States; Ms. Ellen Bork, Project for the New American Century, United States; Mr. Pascal Bruckner, Writer, France; Mr. Mark Brzezinski, McGuire Woods LLP, United States; Mr. Reinhard Buetikofer, Chairman, Green Party, Germany; Dr. Janusz Bugajski, Center for Strategic and International Studies, United States; Sir Michael Butler, Former Permanent Representative to the European Community, United Kingdom; The Honorable Martin Butora, Former Ambassador, Slovakia; Mr. Daniele Capezzone, Italy; The Honorable Per Carlsen, Institute of International Affairs, Denmark; Ms. Gunilla Carlsson, Member of Parliament, Sweden; Dr. Ivo Daalder, Brookings Institution, United States; The Honorable Massimo D'Alema, Former Prime Minister, Italy; Mr. Pavol Demes, Former Foreign Minister, Slovakia; Dr. Larry Diamond, United States; His Excellency Philip Dimitrov, Former Prime Minister, Bulgaria; Mr. Thomas Donnelly, American Enterprise Institute, United States; Mr. Nicholas Eberstadt, American Enterprise Institute, United States; Mr. Uffe Ellemann-Jensen, Former Foreign Minister, Denmark; Ms. Helga Flores Trejo, Heinrich Böll Foundation of North America, United States; Dr. Francis Fukuyama, United States; Dr. Jeffrey Gedmin, Aspen Institute Berlin, Germany; Prof. Bronislaw Geremek, Former Foreign Affairs Minister and Member of European Parliament, Poland; Dr. Carl Gershman, National Endowment for Democracy, United States; The Honorable Marc Ginsberg, United States; Mr. Andre Glucksmann, Writer, France; Dr. Phil Gordon, Brookings Institution, United States; The Honorable Karl-Theodor von und zu Guttenberg, Member of Parliament, Germany; The Honorable Istvan Gyarmati, Institute for Euro-Atlanticism and Democracy, Hungary; Mr. Pierre Hassner, Center for International Studies and Research, France; His Excellency Vaclav Havel, Former President, Czech Republic; The Honorable Richard C. Holbrooke, Former Ambassador to the United Nations, United States; The Honorable Toomas Ilves, Former Foreign Minister and Member of European Parliament, Estonia; Mr. Bruce Jackson, Project on Transitional Democracies, United States; Dr. Donald Kagan, Yale University, United States; Mr. Robert Kagan, United States; Mr. Jerzy Kozminski, Former Ambassador to the United States, Poland; Mr. Craig Kennedy, The German Marshall Fund of the United States, United States; Ms. Glenys Kinnock, Member of European Parliament, United Kingdom; Dr. Bernard Kouchner, Former UN Special Envoy to Kosovo, France; Dr. Ivan Krastev, Center for Liberal Strategies, Bulgaria; Mr. William Kristol, Project for the New American Century, United States; The Honorable Girts Valdis Kristovskis, Former Minister of Defense, Latvia; Prof. Dr. Ludger Kuehnhardt, University of Bonn, Germany; The Honorable Mart Laar, Former Prime Minister, Estonia; The Honorable Vytautas Landsbergis, former President and Member of European Parliament, Lithuania; Dr. Stephen Larrabee, RAND Corporation, United States; Mr. Mark Leonard, The Foreign Policy Center, United Kingdom; The Honorable Sabine Leutheusser-Schnarrenberger, Member of European Parliament, Germany; Mr. Tod Lindberg, Policy Review, United States; Mr. Tom Malinowski, Human Rights Watch, United States; Mr. Will Marshall, Progressive Policy Institute, United States; Prof. Dr. Margarita Mathiopoulos, University of Potsdam, Germany; Mr. Clifford May, United States; The Honorable John McCain, Senator, United States; Dr. Michael McFaul, United States; Mr. Matteo Mecacci, Italy; Mr. Mark Medish, Former Senior Director of the National Security Council, United States; Prof. Dr. Thomas O. Melia, Institute for the Study of Diplomacy, United States; Dr. Sarah E. Mendelson, United States; Mr. Michael Mertes, Dimap Consult, Germany; The Honorable Ilir Meta, Former Prime Minister, Albania; Mr. Adam Michnik, Gazeta Wyborcza, Poland; The Honorable Richard Morningstar, Former Ambassador to the EU, United States; Dr. Joshua Muravchik, American Enterprise Institute, United States; Gen. Klaus Naumann (ret.), Former Chairman NATO Military Committee, Germany; The Honorable Dietmar Nietan, Member of Parliament, Germany; Mr. James O’Brien, Former Presidential Envoy to the Balkans, United States; The Honorable Janusz Onyszkiewicz, Member of European Parliament, Poland; The Honorable Cem Ozdemir, Member of European Parliament, Germany; Dr. Can Paker, Turkish Economic and Social Studies Foundation, Turkey; Ambassador Mark Palmer, Capital Development Company, LLC, United States; Mr. Martin Peretz, United States; The Honorable Dr. Friedbert Pflueger, Member of Parliament, Germany; Ms. Danielle Pletka, American Enterprise Institute, United States; Mr. Florentino Portero, Strategic Studies Group, Spain; Ms. Samantha Ravich, Phd, Long Term Strategy Project, United States; The Honorable Janusz Reiter, Center for International Relations, Poland; The Honorable Alex Rondos, Former Ambassador, Greece; The Honorable Jim Rosapepe, Former Ambassador to Romania, United States; Dr. Jacques Rupnik, Center for International Studies and Research, France; Prof. Dr. Eberhard Sandschneider, German Council on Foreign Relations, Germany; Mr. Randy Scheunemann, Project for the New American Century, United States; Dr. Gary Schmitt, Project for the New American Century, United States; Dr. Simon Serfaty, Center for Strategic and International Studies, United States; The Honorable Stephen Sestanovich, United States; Mr. Radek Sikorski, American Enterprise Institute, United States; Mr. Stefano Silvestri, Institute for International Affairs, Italy; Mr. Martin Simecka, Editor, Slovakia; Dr. Gary Smith, American Academy in Berlin, Germany; Dr. Abraham Sofaer, Hoover Institution, United States; Mr. James Steinberg, The Brookings Institution, United States; Mr. Gary Titley, Member of European Parliament, United Kingdom; Mr. Ivan Vejvoda, Fund for Open Society, Serbia; The Honorable Sasha Vondra, Former Deputy Foreign Minister, Czech Republic; Dr. Celeste Wallander, Center for Strategic and International Studies, United States; Prof. Ruth Wedgwood, United States; Dr. Richard Weitz, Institute for Foreign Policy Analysis, United States; Mr. Kenneth Weinstein, Hudson Institute, United States; Ms. Jennifer Windsor, Freedom House, United States; Mr. R. James Woolsey, United States.
Other examples include “Violence begets violence” by Khassan Baiev in The Boston Globe on 13th September 2004, http://www.iht.com/articles/538399.html, and the delightfully hallucinogenic piece by Richard Holbrooke and Mark Brzezinski (nephew of Zbigniew) in The Financial Times of 7th October 2004, calling for “tough love” to be visited on Russia. There are many more such pieces listed on the web site of the American Committee for Peace in Chechnya, http://www.peaceinchechnya.org/
[ii] Interview with Reuters, 14th September 2004, http://www.state.gov/secretary/rm/36177.htm
[iii] “Putin’s Sudetenland,” Reprinted at: http://www.defenddemocracy.org/research_topics/research_topics_show.htm?doc_id=241432&attrib_id=....
[iv] See my interview with Khodorkovsky, The Spectator, 28th September 2002. http://www.spectator.co.uk/article.php?table=old§ion=current&issue=2004-10-09&id=229....
[v] “Brody Pipeline "Could Still Pump Caspian Oil" – Official”, 20th August 2004, http://www.caspianstudies.com/recent%20event%20(20%20aug.).htm
[vi] Agence France-Presse, 5th October 2004
[vii] Financial Times, 7th October 2004
[viii] “Ukraine at a Crossroads,” Washington Post, 29th September 2004, http://www.carnegieendowment.org/publications/index.cfm?fa=view&id=15893
[ix] http://www.openrussiafoundation.com/
[x] See the list of donors, http://www.carnegieendowment.org/about/index.cfm?fa=funding
[xi] http://www.conocophillips.com/news/nr/092904_moscow.asp
[xii] http://www.businessreport.co.za/index.php?fArticleId=2206276
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