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Amaunet

05/02/03 10:19 AM

#1824 RE: Amaunet #1818

PREVENT NEW AND MODIFIED NUCLEAR WEAPONS

Why do they need new and modified nuclear weapons unless they plan on gong ahead with a “fourth world war”?




Action: Use the Congressional Spring Recess (April 11-28) to contact your Senators and Representative and urge them to oppose new and modified nuclear weapons. Urge them to:

* Immediately contact colleagues on the Senate and House Armed Services Committees and urge them to preserve the Spratt-Furse prohibition on low-yield nuclear weapons and to cut funding for the Robust Nuclear Earth Penetrator in the Fiscal Year 2004 Defense Authorization bill.

* Support floor amendments to cut funding for the Robust Nuclear Earth Penetrator and uphold the Spratt-Furse prohibition on low-yield nuclear weapons.

Capitol Switchboard: 202-224-3121

Timing: The House Armed Services Committee will begin markup of the Fiscal Year 2004 Defense Authorization bill on April 30 and the Senate Armed Services Committee will begin soon after. A floor vote in the House to cut funding for the Robust Nuclear Earth Penetrator is predicted to take place near the end of May. Senate votes could take place in early to mid-summer.

Background: Section 3136 of the Fiscal Year 1994 Defense Authorization Act includes a prohibition on "research and development which could lead to the production by the United States of a low-yield nuclear weapon" of less than five kilotons (the atomic bomb dropped on Hiroshima had a yield of approximately 15 kilotons). Championed by Rep. John Spratt (D-SC) and now-retired Rep. Elizabeth Furse (D-OR), the "Spratt-Furse prohibition" has remained in effect for almost a decade despite previous attempts in Congress to overturn it. This year, the Pentagon has sent Congress a draft Defense Authorization bill that includes a request to repeal the Spratt-Furse prohibition. In addition, the Republican House Policy Committee has issued a report explicitly stating a desire to overturn this prohibition. The Armed Services Committees in the House and Senate are expected to include in their early markup of the FY04 Defense Authorization bill a provision to overturn this prohibition.

In addition to repealing Spratt-Furse, the administration and some Members of Congress want to develop a “Robust Nuclear Earth Penetrator” (RNEP) to destroy hardened and deeply buried targets that may contain command and control centers, key leadership personnel and stockpiles of chemical and/or biological weapons. The Department of Energy is currently engaged in a three-year "feasibility study" to research and develop the RNEP, costing $15 million per year. RNEP’s design is based on modified, rather than new, nuclear warheads which have the ability to be given large yields in the hundreds of kilotons or small yields less than 5 kilotons, thereby avoiding the Spratt-Furse prohibition. The Pentagon is expected to issue a formal military requirement for the RNEP in the near future. Congressman Ed Markey (D-MA) is expected to offer an amendment on the floor to cancel funding for the RNEP.

Key reasons to oppose the repeal of the Spratt-Furse prohibition and the funding of RNEP include:

* A nuclear bunker-buster, whether large or small, would create massive collateral damage, which, if located in an urban area could kill tens of thousands of innocent civilians. Bombing stockpiles of chemical and/or biological weapons would likely spread some of these agents to surrounding areas;

* Low-yield nuclear weapons blur the line between conventional and nuclear weapons, increasing the likelihood they will be used in conflict, breaking a taboo that has been in place since their use in 1945 during World War II;

* Developing new or modified nuclear weapons sends the wrong message to other nations who may also view them as desirable and usable. This development places in jeopardy the Non-Proliferation Treaty, whereby the United States and other nuclear powers pledged to disarm in return for other nations not seeking nuclear weapons.

* If the Spratt-Furse prohibition is repealed, the development of a new low-yield nuclear weapons could lead to the resumption of underground nuclear testing in order to test the new weapons. This would overturn the 10 year moratorium on nuclear testing and could lead other nuclear powers to also resume testing which would have a chilling effect on future arms control and non-proliferation efforts.

* Because nuclear bunker-busters would be seen as tactical nuclear weapons, the development of these weapons would make it more difficult to encourage Russia to dispose of its arsenal of over 4,000 tactical nuclear weapons.

Additional Materials:

* U.S. Nuclear Weapons Policy Undermines NonProliferation, Alliance for Nuclear Accountability
http://www.ananuclear.org/nuclearpolicyfs.html

* A More Usable Nuclear Weapon?, Nuclear Watch of New Mexico
http://www.nukewatch.org/facts/nwd/RNEPFactSheetLowRes.pdf

* Fighting Wars With Tactical Nuclear Weapons, Physicians for Social Responsibility
http://www.psr.org/home.cfm?id=Tac_nukes

* No New Nukes, Peace Action Education Fund
http://www.peace-action.org/camp/nukes/nonewnuksfs.pdf

* Sliding Towards the Brink: More Useable Nuclear Weapons and the Dangerous Illusions of High-Tech War, Western States Legal Foundation
http://www.wslfweb.org/docs/nucpreppdf.pdf

* Fiscal Year 2004 Budget Request for Nuclear Weapons Activities, An Analysis by Dr. Robert Civiak for Tri-Valley CAREs
http://www.trivalleycares.org/FY04_BudgetAnalysis.pdf

* Low-Yield Earth-Penetrating Nuclear Weapons, By Robert W. Nelson for the Federation of American Scientists
http://www.fas.org/faspir/2001/v54n1/weapons.htm

* Fire In The Hole: Nuclear and Non-Nuclear Options for Counterproliferation, Michael Levi, Federation of American Scientists
http://www.ceip.org/files/Publications/wp31.asp?from=pubdate

This alert was produced by the Alliance for Nuclear Accountability



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Contacting Your Elected Officials
President George W. Bush
The White House
1600 Pennsylvania Ave.
Washington, DC 20500

Switchboard: (202) 456-1414

www.whitehouse.gov
The Office of Senator (name)
United States Senate
Washington, DC 20510

Capitol Switchboard: (202) 224-3121

www.senate.gov
The Office of Representative (name)
US House of Representatives
Washington, DC 20515

Capitol Switchboard: (202) 224-3121

www.house.gov


Not sure who represents you? You can search for your elected officials online, by zip code, at congress.org.


Monitor current legislation by bill number, subject or sponsors at thomas.loc.gov


Reference:
R. James Woolsey, a former director of central intelligence, said Wednesday that Iraq was the opening of a "fourth world war," and that U.S. enemies included the fundamentalist religious rulers in Iran, states such as Syria and Islamic terrorist groups.
Woolsey seemed to be speaking for at least some in the administration. But Bush's aides will not discuss the future – yet.
"We don't want to talk about a broader agenda now," one of his aides said. "It's not the time. The time will come." Excerpt from Bush aides deny war new aspect in foreign policy


Another reference to Woolsey’s remark that Iraq is only the beginning of a “fourth world war”. The former C.I.A. director James Woolsey, a Wolfie pal and a prospective administrator in occupied Iraq, bluntly told U.C.L.A. students last week that to reshape the Middle East, the U.S. would have to spend years and maybe decades waging World War IV. (He counted the cold war as World War III.)

One of George W Bush's "thinkers" is Richard Perle.
I interviewed Perle when he was advising Reagan; and when he spoke about
"total war", I mistakenly dismissed him as mad. He recently used the term
again in describing America's "war on terror". "No stages," he said. "This
is total war. We are fighting a variety of enemies. There are lots of them out
there. All this talk about first we are going to do Afghanistan, then we
will do Iraq... this is entirely the wrong way to go about it. If we just let our
vision of the world go forth, and we embrace it entirely and we don't try to
piece together clever diplomacy, but just wage a total war... our children
will sing great songs about us years from now." – Pilger


Next on Perle's list would be Iran.

"It's part of the problem, not part of the solution," he said.
Perle's approach to Tehran would be different. He asserts the people of Iran are increasingly disaffected toward their government and favorable to the United States. That instinct could be "encouraged" with propaganda and support to political opposition groups.

"There may be ways to get other resources to opponents," he said.

Perle believes the overthrow of the government in Iran could be bloodless.

"We should be doing everything we can to encourage the centrifugal forces" of change there.

Perle said the United States should then turn its attention to longtime allies, Saudi Arabia and Egypt. – excerpt: Top Bush Adviser: 'Get Saddam Out Violently', NewsMax.com








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Amaunet

05/10/03 1:48 PM

#1913 RE: Amaunet #1818

Door Opened for New Era of Nuclear Arms


A key Senate panel backs a bill that would end a 10-year ban on research, upgrade the Nevada test site and let the president pursue smaller weapons.



By Paul Richter, Times Staff Writer


WASHINGTON -- The Bush administration took a big step toward developing a new generation of nuclear weapons Friday when a Senate panel approved a bill that would lift a 10-year ban on researching small atomic bombs for battlefield use and fund more study on a nuclear "bunker-buster" bomb.

The annual defense authorization bill, approved by the Senate Armed Services Committee, would also increase funding for a nuclear weapons site in Nevada to enable the Pentagon -- if necessary -- to more quickly resume the weapons testing it suspended 11 years ago.

The administration, in a major shift of recent U.S. nuclear weapons doctrine, has been moving to develop options with nuclear weapons to enable it to better deal with emerging threats, such as the deeply buried bunkers where potential adversaries may conceal banned weapons and missiles.

Administration officials have been formulating a new policy since President Bush came into office but are only now beginning to carry out the changes.

Since the end of the Cold War, the United States has not designed any new nuclear weapons, as it and Russia have worked to scale back their strategic nuclear arsenals.

The administration's new tack has alarmed arms control advocates, who fear that the availability of smaller bombs that promise less secondary damage would encourage nations to use weapons that have been nearly unthinkable for half a century.

They worry that expansion of the U.S. nuclear arsenal would encourage more countries to build weapons and weaken already fragile international nonproliferation efforts.

"We're moving away from more than five decades of efforts to delegitimize the use of nuclear weapons," said Sen. Jack Reed (D-R.I.), a member of the Senate Armed Services Committee.

He questioned whether the United States needs additional nuclear weapons, especially given the growing capabilities of its conventional precision-guided munitions.

The administration's logic, Reed said, is that "we don't want to be constrained in any way about any weapon we want to field."

The defense authorization bill will be considered on the floor of the Senate and House this month, and some senators have promised to challenge one or more of the nuclear provisions at that time.

But several congressional strategists said the critics' best shot at stopping the nuclear weapons provisions was in the Senate committee deliberations, and they predicted that the language will be adopted as written.

When critics sought during Thursday's committee deliberations to strike the language lifting the ban, they were unable to prevent some of the 12 Democratic members from joining the 13-member Republican majority in approving it.

The bill would provide $15.5 million in funding for research on a large hydrogen bunker-buster bomb called the Robust Nuclear Earth Penetrator.

This bomb would be a redesigned version of an existing nuclear weapon to make it better able to burrow deeply into the earth.

Unlike the proposed low-yield bombs, which have an explosive force of no more than 5 kilotons -- five thousand tons of TNT -- this weapon would have yields in the range of tens of kilotons, to a megaton, making it at least six times more powerful than the bomb that was dropped on Hiroshima, Japan.

It would be intended to generate shock waves that could crush targets 300 meters below the earth, experts say. Critics contend the fallout would cover such a wide area and cause so many casualties that presidents would be reluctant to order its use.

Along with the $15 million for research on the bunker buster, the bill would set aside $6 million for advanced research on nuclear weapons.

The bill also seeks $25 million in improvements to the Nevada nuclear weapons test site and U.S. nuclear labs because U.S. officials fear some of the nuclear infrastructure has become unreliable since President Clinton declared a voluntary test moratorium.

Clinton ordered that the nuclear weapons complex should be prepared to restart testing within two to three years of a presidential order to do so.

But Bush administration officials fear that tests may be needed to ensure the reliability of U.S. nuclear weapons, and they want the lead time reduced to no more than 18 months.

Arms control advocates say they fear that, given the administration's other statements about nuclear weapons, the proposal for these improvements suggest that the White House intends to begin re-testing, perhaps in a second term if Bush is reelected.

The $25-million proposal "indicates the administration wants to keep the door open," said Daryl G. Kimball, executive director of the Arms Control Assn.

John D. Isaacs, president of the Council for a Livable World, which advocates arms control, noted that while some lawmakers have been pushing to change nuclear policy for some time, this year there has been a new source of momentum.

"This year, initiative is coming from the executive branch," Isaacs said.

These latest moves on nuclear policy follow a series of policy pronouncements from the administration that suggested a desire for a sharp change in direction on nuclear policy.

In 2001, the administration issued a policy statement called the Nuclear Posture Review that urged development of new nuclear capabilities, and suggested that the United States might, in some circumstances, use nuclear weapons against some countries that have none: Syria, Libya, Iraq and Iran.

Last year, the White House issued a presidential directive that made explicit the previously ambiguous policy that the United States may use nuclear weapons if chemical and biological weapons are used against U.S. forces.

Advocates of the administration's view say that the steps they are seeking do not mean necessarily that the weapons are going to be used -- or even created -- but only that the president wants to have the option to use them against an unpredictable range of emerging threats.

"This is to give our scientific community a chance to see if there are options that can be put in the toolbox for a future president to use," said David J. Smith, chief operating officer of the National Institute for Public Policy. "And, obviously, when you're talking about a nuclear weapon, it's only going to be considered in an extreme situation."

U.S. officials note that while the administration has been interested in exploring new nuclear weapons, it has also been pressing to try to shift, in some missions, from nuclear weapons to conventional ones.

Adm. James O. Ellis, who is in charge of the U.S. Strategic Command, has said he believes that conventional precision-guided munitions can be used to strike some of the deeply buried targets that others in the Pentagon say require a nuclear weapon.

The administration's moves have stirred alarm in other parts of the world.

The mayor of Hiroshima, one of two cities hit by a nuclear weapon, last month wrote Bush to protest the research on the bunker buster, saying it represented a "frontal attack on the process of nuclear disarmament."

United Nations disarmament officials have also expressed alarm that the U.S. policy could undermine efforts at arms control.









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Amaunet

05/13/03 7:44 PM

#1942 RE: Amaunet #1818

A Nuclear Road of No Return
May 13, 2003


Robert Scheer:
Bush's bid for new kinds of weapons could put the world on a suicidal course.



It turns out the threat is not from Iraq but from us.

On Sunday, the Washington Post wrote the obituary for the United States' effort to find Saddam Hussein's alleged weapons of mass destruction. "Frustrated, U.S. Arms Team to Leave Iraq," read the headline, confirming what has become an embarrassing truth — that the central rationale for the invasion and occupation of oil-rich Iraq was in fact one of history's great frauds.

The arms inspectors "are winding down operations without finding proof that President Saddam Hussein kept clandestine stocks of outlawed arms," reported the Post, putting the lie to Colin Powell's Feb. 6 claim at the United Nations that Iraq possessed a functioning program to build nuclear bombs and had hoarded hundreds of tons of chemical and biological materials.

Unfortunately, this does not necessarily mean the world is a safer place. The deadly weapons of mass destruction have proved phantom in Iraq, but the Bush administration is now doing its best to ensure that the world becomes increasingly unstable and armed to the teeth. Although the nuclear threat from Iraq proved to be nonexistent, the United States' threat to use nuclear weapons and make a shambles of nuclear arms control is alarmingly vibrant.

In its latest bid to frighten the planet into a constant state of shock and awe, our government is accelerating its own leading-edge weapons-of-mass-destruction program: President Bush's allies on the Senate Armed Services Committee have approved ending a decade-old ban on developing atomic battlefield weapons and endorsed moving ahead with creating a nuclear "bunker-buster" bomb. They also rubber-stamped the administration's request for funds to prepare for a quick resumption of nuclear weapons testing.

What's going on here? Having failed to stop a gang of marauders armed with nothing more intimidating than box cutters, the U.S. is now using the "war on terror" to pursue a long-held hawkish Republican dream of a "winnable nuclear war," as the president's father memorably described it to me in a 1980 Times interview. In such a scenario, nukes can be preemptively used against a much weaker enemy — millions of dead civilians, widespread environmental devastation and centuries of political blowback be damned.

Building a new generation of battlefield nuclear weapons sets the stage for another round of the most dangerous arms race imaginable. What has been forgotten in all of the patriotic hoopla is that it is our country that pioneered the creation of weapons of mass destruction over the last half-century. And it was our dropping of nuclear bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Japan, that sparked the arms race of the Cold War.

Faced with the reality that nuclear weapons are useful only for mass international suicide, every U.S. president since World War II has pursued a policy of nuclear arms control. Every administration, that is, until this one, which from its first days has made clear its inveterate hostility to arms control. It attacked the Antiballistic Missile Treaty and resurrected the corpse of the "Star Wars" nuclear defense program, even as Bush's first Nuclear Posture Review telegraphed the development of battlefield nuclear weapons and threatened their use against "rogue" nations.

"We're moving away from more than five decades of efforts to delegitimize the use of nuclear weapons," warned Sen. Jack Reed (D-R.I.), a dissenter on the Senate Armed Services Committee.

Following our lead, why shouldn't India and Pakistan develop battlefield nuclear weapons? Or Beijing for use against Taiwan and vice versa? After getting China and most nations to accept a testing ban, why would this administration seek to resume testing?

The current preponderance of our military power, combined with our overweening, xenophobic fear of the rest of the world, has corrupted all rational thought. Sadly, no one will listen to the mayor of Hiroshima, who last month wrote Bush to warn that new U.S. nuclear weapons development represented "a frontal attack on the process of nuclear disarmament."

But why listen to someone from Hiroshima? What do those people know about weapons of mass destruction?