Replies to post #77651 on Zeev's Turnips Talk Politics (ZTTP)

[wstera2]

Kerry, Kansas City, and the FBI files

September 7th, 2004
An American Thinker Exclusive

Steve Gilbert was the first to expose Kerry's involvement
in the VVAW's assassination discussions and his dealings
with the North Vietnamese and Vietcong delegations in
Paris.

By now you’ve probably heard that John F. Kerry attended a meeting of his Vietnam Veterans Against the War (VVAW) group in Kansas City in November 1971, where they considered a proposal to murder top governmental leaders. You have probably even heard that Kerry met at least once in May, 1970, and maybe several times subsequently, with the North Vietnamese and Vietcong Peace Delegation in Paris, and that he went on to aggressively agitate around the country and even before the US Senate for accepting their terms.

Not that long ago, the notion that John Kerry could have
been involved in such activities was so unthinkable that
when I first stumbled upon this information back in
January, I could not find any journalists in the news
media to take these stories seriously.

For even though the information is briefly touched-upon in a couple books on the anti-war movement—a passing reference to the assassination proposal in Gerald Nicosia’s Home To War, a photograph of the VVAW’s delegation in Paris in Richard Stacewicz’s The Winter Soldiers—the putative historians downplayed these events to such an extent you could almost believe they were trying to protect John Kerry’s reputation.

Indeed, Kerry supporter Nicosia even went so far as to portray Kerry as resigning from the VVAW after a melodramatic showdown with Al Hubbard months before the Kansas City meeting took place. All of which is pure fantasy, as the witnesses who have since come forward testify, and more compellingly, the FBI files (which Nicosia had then-unique access to) so clearly reveal.

For the material in the FBI files is not subtle at all. There is no nuance. It is almost impossible to believe that Kerry got so far in his political career without anyone ever bringing it up before. Especially when a historian had access to these very files. But also when so many people who lived through these events are still sitting up and taking nourishment.

Still, since most people have not read these FBI files, but at best have only heard other people’s interpretations of them, I thought it would be a service to transcribe a few pages from them, pages which briefly describe some of the events around that fateful November meeting in Kansas City in 1971.

I believe they offer a revealing glimpse into the people involved in the VVAW, including, most significantly of course, Presidential candidate John Kerry.

From an FBI file* marked “urgent” and dated November 12, 1971:

pp. 1922-3 of the Kerry FBI files

VIETNAM VETERANS AGAINST THE WAR, INC. (VVAW) IS--NEW LEFT

RETEL TO BH, OKLAHOMA CITY, [REDACTED] NEW YORK AND BOSTON NOV. TEN LAST.

FOR INFO NO, RETEL DISCLOSED THAT IT WAS LEARNED AT REGIONAL VVAW CONVENTION, NORMAN, OKLAHOMA, NOV. FIVE - SEVEN LAST THAT JOHN KERRY AND AL HUBBARD, MEMBERS OF EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE, VVAW, WERE PLANNING TO TRAVEL TO PARIS, FRANCE, WEEK OF NOV. ONE FIVE - TWENTY NEXT FOR TALKS WITH NORTH VIETNAMESE PEACE DELEGATION.

[REDACTED] TO PAY HUBBARD’S EXPENSES FOR HIS TRIP TO PARIS, [REDACTED]

IT IS NOTED THAT THE “COMMUNIST PARTY” REFERRED IN RETEL IS PROBABLY COMMUNIST PARTY, USA, BECAUSE AL HUBBARD IS A MEMBER OF COORDINATING COMMITTEE OF PEOPLES COALITION FOR PEACE AND JUSTICE (PCPJ)…

Here is a fuller description of subsequent events from another FBI file dated November 18, 1971:

VIETNAM VETERANS AGAINST THE WAR (VVAW)
STEERING COMMITTEE MEETING
KANSAS CITY, MISSOURI
NOVEMBER 12, 13, 14, 1971
INTERNAL SECURITY – NEW LEFT

A confidential source, who was furnished reliable information in the past, advised as follows:

On November 12, 1971, a meeting of the Steering Committee of the Vietnam Veterans Against The War (VVAW) was convened in Kansas City, Missouri. The meeting was attended by approximately sixty persons, not more than seventy, which included the Executive Committee, people from the National Office in New York, the Regional Coordinators from around the country and some other representatives from some regions.

The first meeting convened at 9:00 a.m. on November 12, 1971, in rooms A, B, and C of the Student Center, University of Missouri at Kansas City. Room A was a smaller room with an oval-shaped table and leather chairs. Rooms B and C were used for the general meeting and large rectangular tables were pushed together in the center at the room making a large conference table. The Regional Coordinators sat around the table and their delegates were behind them. This was done to facilitate the vote procedure. Many of the Regional Coordinators and other delegates discussed that they came to the meeting for a commitment to action and wanted VVAW to take the initiative in the peace movement.

At approximately 2:30 p.m., November 12, 1971, the Agenda Committee, composed of [redacted] adjourned to room A for a three or four hour meeting supposedly to discuss the topics to be considered by the general meeting.

AL HUBBARD did not make an appearance at the general meeting. There was only one black man at the general meeting. He sat with the California and Wisconsin delegations. He left Saturday afternoon. The Friday meeting ended at approximately 11:00 p.m.. A party ensued at the home of [redacted], which was attended by many of the delegates.

At the party SCOTT CAMIL, VVAW Regional Coordinator for
[redacted] and [redacted] from Gainesville, Florida,
bragged that he had a training range in either Florida or
Georgia but would not divulge the location. CAMIL proposed
the establishment of "readiness groups" of the "Phoenix
type". This proposal was made in the presence of
[redacted] VVAW Arkansas organizer, [redacted] and
[redacted] (LNU), all from Arkansas, [redacted] the VVAW
regional coordinator for Missouri and Kansas, and a
delegate from Montana, and three delegates from St. Louis,
names unknown.

When asked if CAMIL meant "Phoenix type" in the same
context as understood by military personnel, CAMIL
answered in the affirmative and outlined a plan
for "political elimination" of the "governmental chain of
command". The "Phoenix type" is a military term given to
groups with specific assassination assignments and the
delegates knew that CAMIL meant political assassinations
rather than political eliminations.

CAMIL said the activities would depend upon the men being
devoted enough to carry out their assignments. CAMIL said
that even talking and planning such activities was against
the law and therefore the "Phoenix type" groups should
carry out their assignments.

CAMIL said he had training ranges for rifle, pistol and mortar practice. He claimed he had rifles, pistols and rifle grenades, but no mortars. CAMIL's proposal for the “readiness squads" and the training was favorably received by many of the persons present and was thereafter quietly disseminated to those at the party. CAMIL indicated he was already conducting his own training program…

The general meeting on Saturday, November 13, 1971, started at 9:00 a.m. and was held in a church, the Institute for Human Studies, near 40th and Main Streets, Kansas City. The first day and part of the second day was spent establishing order. There were numerous interruptions and discussions and very little order during that period.

On Saturday morning MIKE OLIVER, a VVAW national leader from New York, acted as chairman and recognized persons wishing to speak from the floor.

JOHN KERRY, a VVAW national leader from Massachusetts, arrived and spoke to the committee. He resigned from the executive committee of VVAW for "personal reasons" but added he would still be active in VVAW and available to speak for the organization.

The next topic discussed concerned AL HUBBARD, a national VVAW leader from New York. HUBBARD was not present at the meeting and MIKE OLIVER read a telegram to all those present. The telegram had been sent from HUBBARD, who is currently in Paris, France, to [redacted] VVAW Regional Coordinator for Missouri and Eastern half of Kansas, at his residence in Kansas City, Missouri.

The telegram said that HUBBARD was in contact with the North Vietnamese Peace Delegation and he had been confidentially told that the next prisoner of war (POW) released would be effected to VVAW delegates. The telegram further said that the North Vietnamese had promised to not take any major offensive against US troops during the Christmas period up until December 31, 1971; however, they would defend themselves. In the telegram HUBBARD said he was currently negotiating with the North Vietnamese delegation to extend the Christmas cease-fire, which had already been agreed upon, for an indefinite period beyond the December 31, 1971, deadline. HUBBARD said the North Vietnamese are upset over President Nixon's use of POW issue as a reason to keep US troops in Vietnam.

MIKE OLIVER explained to those present that VVAW National Office had decided to send a five-man delegation to Hanoi, North Vietnam, early in December, 1971. They hoped to effect the POW release during that time so that the delegates could return to the US to participate in the national actions at Christmastime. This would demonstrate to the people at the national actions that VVAW has real power. When asked how many POWs would be released, OLIVER said no specific number had been mentioned but that at least one POW would have to be released in order to give the VVAW claimed validity. They planned to present this to the people of the United States and if they were successful in gaining public sympathy and support, they would enter further negotiations for POW release.

The Wisconsin delegation proposed a plan to contact 2,000 active-duty GI’s in South Vietnam and in effect ask them for a mutinous action by refusing to take up arms when ordered to do so. This proposal was favorably accepted by the committee

The topic of the funding of expenses for HUBBARD's trip to Paris was laid aside. OLIVER told the conference that [redacted] had paid for HUBBARD's trip from her own personal account. There was talk among many of the regional coordinators and others speculating as to why [redacted] paid the expenses. It was agreed informally between them that [redacted] is anti-war but neutral, meaning neither for nor against communism, and that by having the money come from her it would remove any taint or suspicion that the funds came directly from the Communist Party, USA.

This was not an official discussion and was merely speculation by some regional coordinators and did not include any person in authority. An agreement was reached to set aside the discussion because some of the delegates believed that VVAW should not be afraid of a "witch hunt". They stated that if VVAW was afraid of a "witch hunt", then they never should have set up the National Office next to the office of the People's Coalition for Peace and Justice (PCPJ).

The Agenda Committee again held a meeting of approximately one hour and returned to the general meeting prior to noon. SCOTT CAMIL proposed to the Agenda Committee the discussion of the training ranges and "readiness squads". The Agenda Committee would not allow CAMIL to discuss his proposal at the general meeting, because of the time element and other matters to be discussed but placed CAMIL's proposal on the agenda for a vote at the spring meeting in February, 1972….

Many of the delegates to the meeting slept in the basement of [redacted] house. A one-pound chunk of marijuana was made available for those delegates wishing to indulge, and many smoked themselves to sleep.

Some of the delegates who were present were: [redacted] Kansas City, Missouri, who was responsible for most of the arrangements; MIKE OLIVER; JOHN KERRY; SCOTT CAMIL from Florida…

*The FBI files are available on CDs for sale by Paperless Archives, and are represented to be copies of the original FBI files released under a Freedom of Information Act request.

Steve Gilbert

[wstera2]

Chapter 7 of "Unfit for Command.

MEETING WITH THE ENEMY

“It is a fact that in the entire Vietnam War we did not lose one major battle. We lost the war at home, and at home John Kerry was the field general.”

ROBERT ELDER
Swift Boat Veterans for Truth Press Conference
Washington, D.C., May 4, 2004


Ion Mihai Pacepa, the highest-ranking Soviet intelligence officer to defect to the West, spoke out in June 2004 about the KBG intelligence operation that he believed was the basis for the assertions of war crimes and atrocities at the heart of John Kerry’s 1971 testimony to the Fulbright Committee.

For Pacepa, the case was clear. John Kerry’s 1971 accusations of war crimes in Vietnam sounded to him just “like the disinformation line that the Soviets were sowing worldwide throughout the Vietnam era.”1 The KGB had as a top priority the damage of American credibility in Vietnam. To this end, the KGB spent millions producing “the very same vitriol Kerry repeated to the U.S. Congress almost word for word and planted it in leftist movements throughout Europe.”

According to Pacepa, Yuri Andropov, then chairman of the KGB, ordered agent Romesh Chandra, the chairman of the KGB-financed World Peace Organization, to create the Stockholm Conference on Vietnam as a permanent international organization “to aid or to conduct operations to help Americans dodge the draft or defect, to demoralize its army with anti-American propaganda, to conduct protests, demonstrations, and boycotts, and to sanction anyone connected with the war.” The Communist Party was funding the World Peace Organization to the tune of about $50 million a year at this time, according to Pacepa, with another $15 million allocated for the Stockholm Conference on Vietnam. In the five years of its existence, the Stockholm Conference “created thousands of ‘documentary’ materials printed in all the major Western languages describing the ‘abominable crimes’ committed by American soldiers against civilians in Vietnam, along with counterfeited pictures.” The KGB’s disinformation department manufactured these materials, and KGB operatives in Europe and America printed up and distributed hundreds of thousands of copies.

Whether Kerry knew it or not, his 1971 testimony to the Fulbright Committee was reciting the Communist Party line chapter and verse. Pacepa left no doubt as to his conclusion: “As far as I’m concerned, the KGB gave birth to the antiwar movement in America.”


Vietnam Veterans Against the War

By November 1970, Al Hubbard had emerged as the most prominent national leader of the VVAW. Hubbard professed strong ties to the Black Panthers. Less well known was his involvement with the People’s Coalition for Peace and Justice (PCPJ), a militant antiwar orga- nization with decidedly Communist ties. Key among the PCPJ’s founders was a group of Trotskyite radicals from the Socialist Workers Party who had first emerged in the 1969 National Mobilization to End the War in Vietnam.

Al Hubbard turned out to be yet another veteran who lied about supposed service in Vietnam. He claimed to be a decorated Air Force captain who had sustained a shrapnel injury in his spine when flying a transport plane into Da Nang in 1966. His story began to unravel when NBC received a tip, and Hubbard had to confess on the Today Show that he had really been only a sergeant, not a pilot or a captain, in Vietnam.

At first, John Kerry came to the support of his friend, excusing Hubbard’s lie as understandable. Hubbard, Kerry explained, lied because he felt he needed the distinction of rank to be important enough to lead the VVAW. Within a few days, however, the lie completely unraveled. The Department of Defense issued a news release stating that, at the time Hubbard was discharged from the Air Force in October 1966, he was serving as an instructor flight engineer on C- 123 aircraft with the 7th Air Transport Squadron, based at McChord Air Force Base in Tacoma, Washington. The Department of Defense reported that: “There is no record of any service in Vietnam [emphasis in the original], but since he was an air crew member he could have been in Vietnam for brief periods during cargo loading, unloading operations, or for crew rest purposes. His highest grade held was staff sergeant E-5.”2 Moreover, Hubbard had no Purple Heart or Vietnam Service Ribbon, and the Air Force had no record that he had ever been in Vietnam, although it was possible that Hubbard may have stopped off there on a transport run. As it turned out, Hubbard’s injuries were sports injuries—an injury suffered in a basketball game in 1956, and a soccer game in 1961.

John Kerry had appeared side by side with Al Hubbard on NBC’s Meet the Press on April 18, 1971. He had shared the stage with Hubbard in the VVAW’s Dewey Canyon III protest in Washington, D.C., which had set the stage for his testimony before the Fulbright Committee. By June 1971, when Hubbard’s fraud was becoming apparent, Kerry was embarrassed, but he continued to represent the VVAW as its national spokesman, and Hubbard continued to represent the group as its executive director and national leader.


Kerry in Paris

In June 1971, Lo Duc Tho arrived in Paris to join the North Vietnamese Communist delegation to the peace talks. His arrival marked a change in the Communists’ approach to advancing their goals through negotiation. Lo Duc Tho was, with Ho Chi Minh, one of the original founders of the Communist Party of Indochina and one of North Vietnam’s chief strategists.

He arrived to join a comrade, Madame Nguyen Thi Binh, who had been a member of the Central Committee for the National Front for the Liberation of the South and was now the foreign minister of the Provisional Revolutionary Government (PRG) of South Vietnam. The military arm of the PRG was widely known as the Viet Cong, and Madame Binh was recognized as the Viet Cong delegate to the conference.

On July 1, 1971, within days of Lo Duc Tho’s arrival, Madame Binh advanced a new seven-point proposal to end the war. Central to this plan was a cleverly crafted provision offering to set a date for the return of U.S. POWs in exchange for the Americans’ setting a date for complete, unilateral military withdrawal from Vietnam. In other words, America could have its POWs back only if we agreed that we lost, then surrendered, and then set a date to leave.

About one year earlier, two young Americans had also come to Paris, presumably for their honeymoon: John Kerry, a young, cleanshaven Navy war veteran, accompanied by his new wife, the former Julia Thorne, who could trace her lineage back to George Washington. But honeymooning was not John Kerry’s only reason for traveling to Paris. Kerry’s presidential campaign has now acknowledged that he “talked privately with a leading Communist representative” there.

For decades, this meeting had been only a rumor. The rumor stemmed from a comment Kerry made in the less publicized question- and-answer segment of his April 22, 1971, testimony before the Fulbright Committee: “I have been to Paris. I have talked with both delegations at the peace talks, that is to say the Democratic Republic of Vietnam and the Provisional Revolutionary Government.”

On March 25, 2004, Michael Kranish of the Boston Globe reported that Michael Meehan, a spokesman for Kerry’s presidential campaign, admitted that John Kerry had traveled to Paris after his May 1970 wedding and, on that trip with his wife, he had a brief meeting with Madame Binh, a meeting that included members of both the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (the North Vietnamese) and the Provisional Revolutionary Government (the Viet Cong). Meehan insisted that Kerry did not go to Paris with the intention of meeting the Communist delegations to the Paris Peace Conference and that he did not involve himself in negotiations. Kerry has insisted that the meeting was solely for “fact-finding” purposes.3

On July 22, 1971, Kerry called a press conference in Washington, D.C. Speaking on behalf of the VVAW, Kerry openly urged President Nixon to accept Madame Binh’s seven-point plan.4

Madame Binh’s proposal had been crafted to send a strong emotional message to the American home front—that the only barrier to having our POWs returned was America’s own unwillingness to set a date to withdraw, even if the proposed withdrawal amounted to a defeat. The Viet Cong proposal directly challenged the South Vietnamese proposal to set a date for a truce and a free election designed to unite the divided Vietnam. The PRG and the Viet Cong clearly agreed with the premier of Communist China, Cho En-lai, that complete withdrawal of American military forces from Vietnam was the only precondition that would be discussed.

As the New York Times noted when reporting on the press conference, John Kerry suggested that President Nixon had refused to set a date for withdrawal because North Vietnam had not guaranteed the return of American POWs. Now that the Vietnamese Communists were promising to set a POW return date, Kerry argued that Nixon had no reasonable course left except to set a date for withdrawing U.S. military forces. Kerry failed to mention one consideration President Nixon most likely found compelling—that America’s cause was just and that the interests of freedom might best be served by halting the spread of Communism in Southeast Asia. The United States, in President Nixon’s view, had not fought the war to abandon our allies to Communism but to defend South Vietnam’s right to self-determination.

Today, presidential candidate John Kerry would have us believe that the only goal of his antiwar activities was to speak up bravely against a war he knew to be without justification. All he wanted to do was to stop a war where military policies such as free-fire zones and tactics such as search-and-destroy led inevitably to war crimes, the killing of innocent civilians, and the burning of peaceful villages. Kerry wants us to believe that he has always been against Communists. Yet the historical record raises questions about both claims.

Loyal Americans think twice about violating the legal provision against negotiating with foreign powers (18 U.S.C. section 953) and the constitutional prohibition against giving support to our nation’s enemies during wartime (Article III, Section 3). Anti-Communists do not openly support proposals that amount to an American surrender to Communist enemies, plus a demand to pay war reparations.

There is no public record of what Kerry discussed with the Vietnamese Communists in Paris in 1970. Kerry’s presidential campaign has refused to provide any detailed account of the discussion, nor has the campaign answered questions regarding who set up the meeting. There must have been contact between Kerry or his representatives and the representatives of the Vietnamese Communists. Which Communists assisted Kerry in arranging his meeting with Madame Binh, and why?

John Kerry may believe in his own mind that his participation in the antiwar cause lifted him to a new moral plane, one where he would not be restricted by conventional legal distinctions or commonsense understandings of patriotism. Yet, the record shows that Kerry and the VVAW consistently coordinated their efforts with Communists, both foreign and domestic, represented the Communist positions, and repeated their grossly exaggerated claims of American atrocities. In fact, it is hard to find any disagreement whatsoever between Kerry’s words and actions as a leader of the VVAW and those of the Hanoi and Viet Cong leadership. Had Madame Binh herself been permitted to appear at the July 22, 1971, press conference instead of John Kerry, the most noticeable difference in the argument presented might have been the absence of a Boston accent.

John Kerry was clearly welcomed warmly by the Vietnamese Communists. His propaganda value was obvious—a good-looking, cleanshaven, well-spoken, decorated American war hero. How could any Communist apologist not see that here was the next candidate to carry their anti-American message back home? John Kerry had no difficulty getting an appointment from Madame Binh. The Communists welcomed him.


Coordinating with the Enemy

A major goal of the VVAW in 1971 was sending representatives to Paris or to Hanoi to meet with the enemy.

An FBI confidential surveillance report dated November 11, 1971, was released as part of the twenty-thousand-page file on the VVAW, made available after a Freedom of Information Act request and published on the Internet during the 2004 presidential campaign. This report indicates that the FBI was monitoring Kerry to see if he planned another trip to Paris to meet with the Communist delegations:

John Kerry and Al Hubbard, members of the Executive Committee, VVAW, were planning to travel to Paris the week of November One Five—Twenty [November 15–20] for talks with North Vietnamese Peace Delegation.5

An analysis of the FBI reports made public make clear that the government’s concern about the VVAW coordinating their activities with the Vietnamese Communists was founded in facts. The VVAW Steering Committee meeting in Kansas City, Missouri, from Friday, November 12, 1971, through Sunday, November 14, 1971, was a raucous meeting, the dramatics of which are emphasized by recently released FBI undercover investigative files. John Kerry is clearly listed in the FBI reports as one of the five members of the steering committee.

The fireworks started a couple of hours into the meeting, when steering committee member Al Hubbard arrived from the airport by taxicab. Hubbard, one of the VVAW’s most controversial leaders, announced to the group that he had just come from Paris, where he had met with the Vietnamese Communist delegations to the Paris peace talks. Hubbard had clearly crossed over to the enemy side. He reported with excitement that he had just concluded negotiations with the Vietnamese Communists, and that they were ready to release a group of American POWs to the VVAW, provided that the VVAW send a delegation to Hanoi around Christmas. Hubbard told the group that the Communist Party of the USA had paid for his trip and that he was now acting as a member of the Coordinating Committee of the People’s Coalition for Peace and Justice.

Consider this extract from the FBI files:

Al Hubbard, the reputed original organizer of the VVAW, flew into Kansas City at six thirty PM on Friday, November Twelve, last. He discussed [BLACKED OUT SECURITY EDIT]. His flight, alone, to Paris where he met with Xuan Tui [phonetic], from which trip he had just returned. Xuan Tui, one of the North Vietnamese Delegates to the Paris Peace Talks, and Representatives of the PRG and the DRV spoke to Hubbard. Hubbard said that the PRG represents revolutionaries in South Vietnam and the DRV are North Vietnamese. They wanted to make arrangements for more Americans (presumably VVAW or New Left activists) to travel to North Vietnam. Hubbard also gave the impression that the North Vietnamese would generally support future VVAW actions but gave no other details as to that support.6

A follow-up report several days later gave further details:

[BLACKED OUT SECURITY EDIT] advised that Hubbard gave the following information regarding his Paris Trip.

Two foreign groups, which are Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) and Peoples Republic Government (PRG) (phonetic), invited representatives of the VVAW, Communist Party USA (CP USA), and a Left Wing group in Paris, to attend meetings of the above inviting groups in Paris. Hubbard advised he was elected to represent the VVAW. An unknown male was invited to represent the CP USA and an unknown individual was elected to represent the Left Wing group from Paris. He advised at the meeting that his trip was financed by CP USA. Hubbard said while in Paris an individual named [BLACKED OUT SECURITY EDIT] accompanied the visitors and acted as liaison between the visitors and the inviting groups.

Hubbard said while they were in Paris he met with an individual named Swanwee, a representative of North Vietnam. They talked about the POW issue and the possibility that a VVAW delegation might be able to go to Vietnam in the near future and discuss the possibility of the release of American POWs.

[BLACKED OUT SECURITY EDIT] advised that after Hubbard’s talk regarding his trip [BLACKED OUT SECURITY EDIT] and John Kerry the [BLACKED OUT SECURITY EDIT]7.

Once again, the “Swanwee” referred to in the report was the phonetic rendition of Xuan Thuy, chief North Vietnamese delegate to the Paris peace talks.

Joe Urgo, a VVAW national staff member, spoke next to the Steering Committee. According to the FBI report, Urgo supported Hubbard’s assertion that the Vietnamese Communists were open to VVAW members coming to Hanoi. The FBI report makes it clear that the discussions the VVAW was having with the Vietnamese Communists were aimed at helping the Vietnamese promote the antiwar movement in America. The “Xuan Tui” referred to in the report is most certainly Xuan Thuy, the chief North Vietnamese delegate to the Paris peace talks. The indication is that the VVAW wanted to work with the Vietnamese Communists to advance their goals, not to pursue a separate or different VVAW agenda:

Joe Urgo joined Hubbard in Friday night’s discussion and later on Sunday, November Fourteen, Last, Urgo himself said more, regarding the possibility of a VVAW instigated release of Prisoners of War (POW) by the North Vietnamese. It was not specified by either Urgo or Hubbard if such a POW release would be part of the next VVAW trip to North Vietnam, but it is expected that this is the reason for that VVAW trip. Hubbard said that he would know ten days after he left Paris or sometime around November TwentyThree—TwentyFour, next, when in the near future, and how many VVAW members would be allowed to enter North Vietnam, and thus the persons to go on that trip would be designated by VVAW National Leadership at that time. A list of Ten to Twelve was to have been made of persons to prepare for the trip. [BLACKED OUT SECURITY EDIT]

Urgo, who had returned from North Vietnam in August, last, with [BLACKED OUT SECURITY EDIT] of the War Resisters League and [BLACKED OUT SECURITY EDIT] of the Women’s Strike for Peace, spoke as if he himself were working for the North Vietnamese officials. Urgo said that the North Vietnamese do not want to shift American New Left emphasis away from the anti-war issue onto any other issue. Thus, they would not want to discuss POW exchange during a VVAW trip to North Vietnam but would rather occupy VVAW visitors with indoctrination. 8

According to several FBI reports covering these meetings, John Kerry indicates that he was present and heard these discussions. A separate FBI surveillance report, filed on November 24, 1971, provided corroboration of the November 19 report. Again, John Kerry was listed as being present as an executive committee member.

Public records indicate that Kerry continued to represent the VVAW in public speeches through April 1972, nearly five months after learning that Al Hubbard, once one of his antiwar “band of brothers,” had crossed over to the Communist side. Nowhere in the FBI files is there any report that the steering committee at the November 1971 meeting ever stopped to discuss 18 U.S.C. section 953, which directly forbids United States citizens from negotiating with foreign powers, or Article III, Section 3, of the United States Constitution, which defines treason in part as giving aid and comfort to the enemy in time of war. It is clear that the VVAW leaders understood the serious nature of their activities. Over the course of the weekend meetings, they relocated twice to avoid surveillance by government authorities. That turned out to be a vain hope, since the FBI had multiple informers inside the meeting.

The FBI surveillance record now made public clearly indicates that the VVAW as of November 1971 was working directly with the enemy against U.S. military objectives in the war. The VVAW did not stop at attempting to undermine support for the war in the U.S. by propagating its false claims of war crimes and atrocities. It was also actively contemplating attempts to effect the release of POWs as further evidence of the correctness of its position and to take steps to actively encourage soldiers in the field to refuse orders to engage the enemy in combat. Producing tapes for broadcast in Vietnam to induce U.S. service personnel to stop fighting indicates both negotiating with the enemy and the intent to give direct aid to the enemy in time of war.

John Kerry, who until recently claimed to have resigned from the VVAW in June 1971, has now acknowledged that he was present, as the FBI reports show and a number of eyewitnesses have claimed. Still, Kerry insists he remembers nothing of the Kansas City meetings, a fault of memory that is remarkable given the nature of what was discussed.

There is also good reason to believe that prior to the Kansas City meeting in November 1971, Kerry himself had made a second trip to Paris to meet with the Vietnamese Communists. Evidence for this comes from Gerald Nicosia, a very pro-VVAW and pro-Kerry historian who wrote a chronicle of the organization called Home to War: A History of the Vietnam Veterans’ Movement.9 Nicosia originated the Freedom of Information Act request that led to the FBI making public the twenty thousand–document file on the VVAW and John Kerry. Writing in the Los Angeles Times on May 24, 2004, Nicosia noted, “Kerry’s public image was perhaps tarnished most in 1971 by his attempts to hasten the return of American POWs. The files record that Kerry made a second trip to Paris that summer to learn how the North Vietnamese might release prisoners.”10

Discussions of VVAW members traveling to Paris and Hanoi recur throughout the FBI surveillance reports. The discussions make clear that the goal is not just to arrange a release of POWs, but also to enhance the status of the VVAW and to advance the cause of the antiwar movement by the way in which the prisoners would be released to the VVAW. The FBI files now released make one point very clear: John Kerry and his VVAW comrades were welcome guests of the Vietnamese Communists in both Paris and Hanoi, guests who could be counted on to return to America and actively support the leadership of America’s wartime enemy.


John Kerry’s Antiwar Activities and the Communist Press

The Communist Party of the USA established the Daily Worker newspaper in 1924. By the 1970s, the paper was published under a different banner, the Daily World. Published in New York, the paper developed stories with a focus on America. Various Communist newspapers around the world republished Daily World stories under many different banners. In 1971, the Daily World devoted considerable attention to covering John Kerry and the VVAW antiwar activities.

The Communist world understood clearly then what John Kerry even today still tries to deny. The antiwar movement typified by the VVAW was not simply a protest movement. At its core, the VVAW was avowedly anti-American, willing to propagate lies about “war crimes” allegedly committed by American soldiers on a daily basis. The goal that the VVAW was seeking to achieve through its highly publicized demonstrations in Washington, D.C., during April 1971 was to convey one simple message: The United States had lost its moral way in opposing the Viet Cong. Kerry, as spokesperson for the VVAW, was trumpeting the theme the Communist world wanted heard. Navy lieutenant John Kerry could not have been a more perfect poster boy for the Communist Daily World than if he had been recruited and trained by the KGB itself.

Today, running for president in 2004, John Kerry can object that the Communist Daily World was free to cover whomever it chose, and that he did not seek out the paper’s coverage or give interviews to its reporters. Yet, the deeper reality is that anyone literate at the time, anyone deeply involved in the political and moral struggle that was Vietnam, could not ignore the impact of the extensive coverage given by the Daily World to the VVAW’s Dewey Canyon III April 1971 protest in Washington.

On Friday, April 23, 1971, the Daily World ran a front-page photo of John Kerry on the speaker’s platform, assisting former U.S. attorney general Ramsey Clark by handing him some papers while Clark addressed a crowd on Capitol Hill. The caption under the photo identified John Kerry as a “former Navy lieutenant and a leader of the group.” Ramsey Clark at that time was serving as legal counsel for the VVAW, and the group was actively engaged in a Supreme Court contest trying to prevent an injunction removing them from the National Mall in front of the Capitol, the spot they had chosen for a campsite during their protest in Washington. The next day, Saturday, April 24, 1971, the Daily World ran John Kerry’s photograph again on the front page, sitting in a studied pensive pose, his right index finger extended to his cheek, in a serious moment during his appearance before the Fulbright Committee.


Kerry Praises Ho Chi Minh

The FBI field surveillance reports document a speech that Kerry gave in 1971 in which he praised Ho Chi Minh, the founder of Vietnamese Communism. The occasion was a speech Kerry gave to a group at the YMCA in Philadelphia on June 14, 1971. As reported by the FBI:

On June 29, 1971, [BLACKED OUT SECURITY EDIT] advised that JOHN KERRY of the National Office of the VVAW, spoke at the YMCA, Philadelphia, on June 14, 1971. In this talk he stated that HO CHI MINH is the GEORGE WASHINGTON of Vietnam. Ho studied the United States Constitution and wants to install the same provisions into the Government of Vietnam. KERRY criticized United States activities in Vietnam, saying we are destroying villages, cities, crops, and the people there and these activities must be stopped.11

Kerry gave many antiwar speeches in 1971. His tendency to idealize the Vietnamese Communists and to demonize the United States was possibly most apparent when he chose to praise by association with America’s founding father the man responsible for introducing Communism to Indochina.


Copyright © 2004 by John E. O’Neill and Jerome L. Corsi

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Meeting with the Enemy

E P I L O G U E

ADVANTAGE SWIFT VETS

On September 21, 2004, the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth introduced a television ad entitled “Friends,” with the message that “John Kerry Secretly Met Enemy Leaders” during the Vietnam War, in 1970, while he was still in the Naval Reserves. 28

The Kerry rapid response team jumped into action, charging once again that the Swift vets were lying. John Kerry, his surrogates maintained, did not meet “secretly” with Vietnamese communist negotiators to the Paris Peace talks—–he openly told Senator Fulbright’s committee in April 1971 that he had traveled to Paris and met with “both sides” to the Paris Peace talks. Since he told the Fulbright Committee about his meeting, it could not be “secret,” the spokespersons for the campaign maintained. Besides, since he met with “both sides,” implying that one of the sides had to be ours, so how could the trip have been anything else other than a fact-finding trip? Kerry’s camp also suggested many anti-war radicals were in Paris in 1970 and 1971 meeting with the Vietnamese communists. So, why wouldn’t John Kerry have done the same?

The meeting was secret—certainly secretive. Only in March of this year did Michael Meehan, one of Kerry’s top spokespersons, finally admit to the Boston Globe that Kerry did actually meet with Madame Binh, the top Viet Cong negotiator to the Paris Peace talks. 29 Kerry has ignored questions regarding who arranged the meeting, where it was held, how long it lasted, or what precisely Kerry and Madame Binh discussed. These details remain hidden.

All we know for sure is that on July 22, 1971, John Kerry held a press conference in Washington, D.C., where surrounded by POW families, he called upon President Nixon to accept Madame Binh’s peace proposal, a peace proposal that called for the United States to set a date for military withdrawal and pay reparations—in effect, to surrender—to induce the Vietnamese communists to set a date for the release of our POWs.

Judged by the outcome, Kerry’s trip to Paris was no simple “factfinding mission.” The evidence is that Kerry, while still in the Naval Reserves, inserted himself into a complex negotiation with the result that he advanced the communist side to the detriment of our official negotiating position. From Paris where Kerry received the communist message, to Washington, D.C., where he mouthed that message, Kerry became the Vietnamese communists’ surrogate spokesperson.

There is no historical evidence that would support a Kerry contention that he met with anyone else other than the Viet Cong, officially known as the Provisional Revolutionary Government (PRG), of whom Madame Binh was the foreign minister, and the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, the official name of North Vietnam’s communist government, of which Lo Duc Tho was a member. There were two Vietnamese communist parties to the Paris Peace talks—these are the “both sides” with whom Kerry met. Because of Kerry’s refusal to disclose any of the details of his trip, we believe the charge still stands.

Advantage, Swift Boat Veterans for Truth.

UNANSWERED QUESTIONS FOR KERRY

1. Who arranged your Paris meeting with Madame Binh? Where was it held? Who else participated? What was discussed?

2. Did you visit the North Vietnamese and Viet Cong in Paris on other occasions including the summer of 1971?

3. Where, when, and who were these talks with “the other side?”

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The Winter Soldier Investigation

E P I L O G U E

ADVANTAGE SWIFT VETS

On September 15, 2004, Steven J. Pitkin came forward with an affidavit that supported the charge in Unfit for Command that the testimony before the Winter Soldier Investigation held by the Vietnam Veterans Against the War was largely fraudulent. Pitkin did not originally intend to speak at the Winter Soldier Investigation when he traveled to Detroit in January 1971. Unlike many who testified there, Pitkin was a veteran who had seen combat in Vietnam. What drew him to Detroit, however, was the prospect of meeting a few girls and hearing David Crosby perform with Graham Nash.

In Vietnam, Pitkin was injured in a mortar attack, suffering minor wounds to both legs. In the months following his injury, his legs became infected and he was medivaced to an Army hospital in Okinawa. He received a Purple Heart and an honorable discharge and was sent back to the states. Once back home, he received far less than a hero’s welcome. At nineteen years old, Pitkin was confused and angry. He signed up for classes at Catonsville Community College outside Baltimore, where he was recruited to join the Vietnam Veterans Against the War, although he had no clear idea what the organization was about.

Scott Swett, the creator of WinterSoldier.com, reported Pitkin’s story:

<<<<In January of 1971, Pitkin was invited to go to Detroit for the VVAW’s “Winter Soldier Investigation,” a national conference intended to convince the public that American troops were routinely committing war crimes in Vietnam. “I was just going to show support for the guys who were already picked out to testify,” said Pitkin. “Fighting in the war was terrible enough—I shot people—but I never saw any atrocities against civilians. The Vietcong hung up tribal chiefs and disemboweled them in front of their own families—they did that to their own people. I never saw Americans do anything like that.” 30>>>>

Pitkin met John Kerry on the trip from Washington, D.C., to Detroit. Scott Swett continues his description of events:

<<<<The Baltimore contingent met up with other VVAW members in Washington, where they were loaded into rental vans with no back seats. It was freezing cold in Pitkin’s van, and Kerry with another former officer were in the front where all the heat was, which made for a long drive. Pitkin was unimpressed with the tall, aloof Kerry, who rarely spoke to anyone other than the organization’s leaders, and tagged Kerry with the nickname “Lurch” after the Addams Family TV character. The ragtag group eventually made it to Detroit, got lost for a while, and then spent the night at somebody’s house. The conference was held at a Howard Johnson’s motel, in a room Pitkin remembers as having big concrete posts and no windows, with press lights glaring down on the participants. An entourage of VVAW leaders and reporters always surrounded John Kerry, who, Pitkin thought, looked like he was running for president. 31>>>>

According to Pitkin’s affidavit, he was pressured into giving testimony of war crimes in Vietnam even though he had not participated in any such war crimes, nor had he witnessed any atrocities. Two paragraphs of his sworn statement are important here:

<<<<In January of 1971, I rode in a van with John Kerry, a national leader of the VVAW, and others from Washington D.C. to Detroit to attend the Winter Soldier Investigation, a conference intended to publicize alleged American war crimes in Vietnam. Having no knowledge of such war crimes, I did not intend to speak at the event.

During the Winter Soldier Investigation, John Kerry and other leaders of that event pressured me to testify about American war crimes, despite my repeated statements that I could not honestly do so. One event leader strongly implied that I would not be provided transportation back to my home in Baltimore, Maryland, if I failed to comply. Kerry and other leaders of the event instructed me to publicly state that I had witnessed incidents of rape, brutality, atrocities and racism, knowing that such statements would necessarily be untrue. 32>>>>

Succumbing to the pressure, Pitkin testified that in Vietnam he came to feel like an animal, that “You’re so scared that you’ll shoot anything, that you’ll look at your enemy, and these people that you’re sort of a visitor to—you’ll look at them as animals. And at the same time you’re just turning yourself into an animal, too.” 33

Even today Pitkin feels John Kerry pressured him into giving false testimony to the Winter Soldier Investigation: “The second day I was there, Kerry and the other leaders told me they wanted me to testify. They knew I was one of the very few real combat veterans in the room. I told them I didn’t have anything to say. Kerry said, ‘Surely you’ve seen some of the atrocities.’” Pitkin did not feel he could resist testifying the way Kerry and the other VVAW leaders wanted:

<<<<I kept saying “no” and the mood turned ugly. One of the other leaders whispered to me, “It’s a long walk back to Baltimore.” I’m not proud of this, but I finally agreed to speak. They told me what to talk about — American troops beating civilians and prisoners, shelling and destroying villages for no reason, and acts of racism against the Vietnamese.

John Kerry knew that the Winter Soldier testimony was a pack of lies. I know, because I was there, and I told some of those lies. 34>>>>

Pitkin’s testimony is just one example of the many lies told during the Winter Soldier “investigation.” One astute observer pointed out that in Kerry’s book The New Soldier, one purported Marine was photographed on a wheelchair in one page and then marching proudly down Pennsylvania on another page.

Kerry’s campaign has chosen to ignore Pitkin’s affidavit. The mainstream liberal press has followed suit, giving Pitkin’s claims no attention.

Still, the statements are documented and powerful. Unable or unwilling to rebut Pitkin’s testimony, the claim of Unfit for Command is substantiated — that the Winter Soldier Investigation was fraudulent. So too, was Kerry’s April 1971 testimony to Senator Fulbright’s Foreign Relation Committee since Kerry himself claimed he based his Senate testimony on the witness statements given at the Winter Soldier Investigation.

Conclusion: Advantage, Swift Boat Veterans for Truth.

UNANSWERED QUESTIONS FOR KERRY

1. Do you truly believe that war crimes were committed in Vietnam “on a day-to-day basis with the full awareness of officers at all levels of command?”

2. If so, what were they? If not, why did you say it?

3. Do you believe that the officers commanding you in Vietnam were war criminals? Why did you say this?

4. Do you apologize for your war crimes charges? Were any of them false? Did any of your VVAW fellows make false war crimes charges?

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Why Kerry Fears ‘Stolen Honor’

Christopher Ruddy
Thursday, Oct. 21, 2004

John Kerry fears you will see “Stolen Honor: Wounds That Never Heal.”

His campaign has devoted a huge amount of resources – and even risked increasing interest in the documentary – to stop Sinclair Broadcast Group from airing it on television.
http://tinyurl.com/699su


Sinclair is a large station group, with 62 stations, but its reach covers only about 25 percent of the U.S. market – a fraction of the almost total reach of the big networks: CBS, ABC, NBC and Fox.

So, what is Kerry so worried about?

After watching the film, you can understand why.

For starters, “Stolen Honor” offers a compelling indictment of John Kerry as a man and as an American. This is powerful stuff. Any reasonable, independent American would likely be swayed by it.

This election could be so close that every vote will count. Kerry has to pay attention to what Sinclair will air in battleground states where it has stations, places like Charleston, W.V.; Cincinnati, Columbus and Dayton, Ohio; Madison and Milwaukee, Wis.; and Pensacola, Tallahassee and Tampa, Fla.

Kerry cannot risk this.

This past summer the Swift Boat Veterans for Truth launched their first TV ad – including fellow vets who criticized Kerry’s activities as a naval officer in Vietnam. The ad caused a hubbub and Kerry blew it off.

But then the Swift Boat Vets ran an ad featuring former POWs alleging that Kerry betrayed them and his country with his anti-war activities.

With that charge Kerry’s lead over Bush evaporated – and the Swiftees became a national sensation.

The issue of Kerry’s Vietnam activities has been a blur in the minds of Americans. All the men in his boat, save one, stand by his account, while almost everyone else who was there says Kerry is a liar.

But what is not a blur is what Kerry did after he returned from Vietnam.

Kerry, as we know, became one of the major leaders of the anti-war movement.

That story has not been fully told – and “Stolen Honor” opens the window for the first time.

Kerry thought that after decades had passed people would forget. He even brazenly tried to play off his Vietnam War experience as the main selling point of his campaign.

But some people have long memories, included the POWs, many who spent over five years in brutal imprisonment that included regular torture.

Kerry was not the cause of their imprisonment, but as 17 of these men aver in “Stolen Honor,” Kerry gave aid to the enemy when he, a decorated war hero, accused American soldiers of having committed war crimes, including burning villages and killing babies.

The POWs remember Kerry because he apparently was oft-quoted by their Vietnam captors.

Kerry had made a name for himself in America for his anti-war activities, and in communist Vietnam he became a national figure. In fact, to this day, Kerry is lionized as a hero in the country’s war museum.

Today, this same man is on the doorstep of the White House and trying to gain entrance. He wants to be commander in chief.

But the men who remember him, who have no political ax to grind, do not want us to forget what young John Kerry did.

One is James Warner, a POW who won two Silver Stars. Warner and his family remember Kerry well, because it was Kerry who contacted Warner’s family as he was suffering in a Vietnamese prison. Kerry pressed Warner’s family to denounce the United States’ war effort.

And then there is Steve Pitkin, a 20-year-old veteran in 1971 who is featured in “Stolen Honor.” Pitkin now says Kerry pressured him to make up stories of atrocities when he testified during Kerry’s Winter Soldier hearings.

Clearly, Kerry is afraid Americans may see this film and that is why he has ordered his campaign to launch a massive 11th-hour effort to stop this film.

Sinclair was the major target. Since it announced its plan to broadcast the film, Sinclair has been hit with a barrage of negative media attacks. Democrats – 18 senators – demanded the FCC intervene and stop the airing of the program. Kerry’s campaign wrote to Sinclair and demanded they not show the program.

Sinclair took other beatings as well. Stock analysts have trashed their stock – costing the company more than $100 million in market value. One of the major law firms of trial attorneys even threatened to launch a major shareholder lawsuit. A coalition of liberal groups began a massive effort to contact Sinclair advertisers to pull their ads.

The gutsy Sinclair is sticking to its guns and will air portions of “Stolen Honor” this Friday. Still, the whole film has yet to be shown to the American people.

As Kerry’s team was hitting Sinclair, two frivolous lawsuits suddenly were flung against Carlton Sherwood and his production company, Red, White and Blue.

Kerry’s campaign also lashed out when a small movie theater in suburban Philadelphia sought to show the film this past Tuesday night. The Kerry campaign sent an e-mail to local supporters calling them to action. Calls poured into the theater, and legal threats caused the owner to cancel the showing.

When Carlton Sherwood came to the theater anyway to hand out free DVDs to those who came and found a locked door, he was also greeted by pro-Kerry goons who were their to rough up him and his supporters. The police had to be called to clear the area.

Is this the America we know?

As several radio hosts noted to me, Michael Moore’s film was shown throughout the country in major theaters. There was no objection from Republicans – despite the fact that it was filled with hate, distortions and outright lies.

But a 43-minute documentary cannot be shown on TV or anywhere.

And the real American heroes who appear in the show and expose the real John Kerry have already become the targets of media assassination.

“Stolen Honor” offers more than insight into John Kerry. The drama that has unfolded around the efforts to show Americans this film offers a picture of how America is changing. We can see from this episode the type of place America will become if John Kerry makes it to the White House.

http://tinyurl.com/699su

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365 Special Forces Vietnam Veterans Have Something To Say

A collection of thoughts blog

They have written a strong, eloquent statement of solidarity with the Swift Boat Veterans and believe that John Kerry is unfit to be our Commander-in-Chief or to lead our nation as President.

I'm not talkin' 3 or 6 SFers, I'm saying that 365 of them signed this statement. Scrolling down the list of names is like a who's who of SF Vets. There are guys from Mike Force, 5th Group, SOG's three CC's, Project Delta, 7th SFG, 46th, 10th SFG, B-57, there are One Zeros, Project 404, a Son Tay Raider...

I know where I stand and its with these Veterans, many of whom I am proud to call "friend." On the list I saw Billy, Ringo, Bucky, Crazy Nick, Manes, Noe, Bennie McDonald, Dingo... finer men you couldn't ask for. These are the real deals, the heroes, men I have looked up to since I was a young lass. Carry on Gentlemen. HOOAH!

An Open Letter to Senator John Kerry and a Statement of Solidarity with our Swift Boat Brothers-in-Arms from Special Forces Vietnam Veterans

The undersigned Special Forces Vietnam Veterans support our Swift Boat brothers-in-arms and believe that John Kerry is unfit to be our Commander-in-Chief or to lead our nation as President. The Kerry presidential campaign has raised the significance of this deeply-felt and long-standing issue. While many, if not a majority, of the signatories of this request are Republicans and Bush supporters, many are not. Those who are Democrats have been effectively disenfranchised by Kerry’s candidacy.

For most of us the question of his fitness to serve as Commander-in-Chief, or in any other office of honor and high public responsibility, was settled permanently in the negative thirty-three years ago. He slandered and dishonored all Vietnam Veterans in false and exaggerated testimony before the U.S. Senate Foreign Relations Committee. By throwing away the symbols of his honors, he insulted all veterans of all wars by debasing the milestones of their valor.

He has unrelentingly opposed issues vital to veterans. He has supported measures that have led to genocide of our former allies, the Montagnards, and the enslavement of the people of Vietnam. He has blocked efforts to enact Human Rights legislation to help alleviate their condition. He has taken action which led to the abandonment of American POWs in Vietnam that most of us believe were left behind.

His stated plan to double special operations forces rapidly in response to today’s threats demonstrates his lack of understanding of what makes a Special Forces soldier and his failure to understand that the available conventional armed forces manpower pool is insufficient to provide the necessary qualified personnel without seriously degrading standards.
By Lieutenant Kerry’s own request, he returned to the United States after completing only one-third of his tour. He did this by seeking and receiving three Purple Hearts for wounds of questionable cause and severity. He was the commander of a military unit, in this case a Naval combatant craft, and he abandoned his crew to the fight to return to a life of ease. By the standards expected of a Naval line officer of the United States, even with the most charitable interpretation, this is contemptible.

There are serious questions concerning the circumstances of Lieutenant Kerry’s first Purple Heart, and perhaps about his other decorations, as well. These questions prompt us to call him to sign Standard Form 180 to authorize the full release of all records pertaining to his service. If his awards failed to measure up to the standards required, he should formally request that these awards be rescinded and removed from his record.

No apology, especially a Jane Fonda-type, insincere or tepid apology is acceptable. No legislative abridgement of our freedom of speech or because one candidate or the other does not wish to discuss the matter will halt the discussion of these issues. We have the American right to discuss these issues. We fought for that right.

We call upon the American people to reject his effort to become Commander-in-Chief of our Armed Forces and we urge other Veteran groups to join our solidarity with the Swift Boat critics of Senator John Kerry.

This statement is signed by the following 365 Special Forces Vietnam Veterans. 12 Special Forces veterans indicated that they did not wish to sign and their names are being withheld to preserve their privacy. Both of these lists have been cross referenced in the Special Forces in SE Asia Database to verify that they served with Special Forces in SE Asia.


Signatories

Rank Name Unit Assignment Date

LTC (RET) STEVEN J ABDALLA HHC, 5TH SFGA 03/70 - 03/71
SGT JAMES E ACRE CCS MACV-SOG 4/69 - 4/70
CPT (RET) WILLIAM J ADAMS 5TH SF GROUP 11/69-11/70
MAJ (RET) HERMANN ADLER 5TH SFGA B-52 (PROJECT DELTA) 66-67//69-70
CPT (RET) WILLIAM L ALBRACHT 5TH SFGA, II MIKE FORCE 08/69 - 08/70
1LT JERROLD M ALEXANDER A-242, CO B 9-69 TO 9-70
COL (RET) ROBERT L AMICK JR A-108, B-3, C-1 FEB/66-FEB/67
LTC (RET) WILLIAM R ANDREWS MACV/SOG/OP-33 04/68-04/69
SSG (RET) DONALD ANGLIN 5TH, RIGGER O6/71-O3/73
LTC (RET) JOSEPH J ANGSTEN JR A-361, B36 NOV 68 - NOV 69
MAJ (RET) JOHN B "BARRY" ARCHER DET. A-102 & 1ST MOBILE STRIKE FORCE, 5TH SFGA 11/69-12/70
1LT MICHAEL C ASH 5TH SFGA MACV SOG 10/69 - 11/70
SGT (RET) THEODORE D ASLUND 5SF 09/68
COL (RET) ROY W BAHR CCN/CCC,MACV-SOG MAR 68-MAR69
SP5 (RET) STEWART L BAKER S2, C-4 04/69-08/70
SGT JAMES H BALDWIN CCN - TFAE1 APRIL 71 - FEB72
MSG (RET) GEORGE L BEACH 5TH SPECIAL FORCES NOV.67-OCT.68
MSG (RET) GENE C BELL 5TH SFG 61-72
SSG (RET) FRANK L BELLETIRE CCC-FOB. 2 68 TO 69
CPT DONALD R BENDELL SR. ODA-242, CO B-5TH SFGA 05-68-03-69
MSG DON W BENESH RECON, CCC, 5TH SFGA 09/69 -09/70
SGT MARTIN T BENNETT TF2AE 08/70-08/71
MSG (RET) JOHN B BICE 403 RR SOD 10/66 - 10/67
MAJ (RET) ROBERT H BLAIR A-133; 1STSFG 06/62 - 07/65
CPT GEORGE A BLAKEY JR B-20 MOBILE STRIKE FORCE, 5TH SPECIAL FORCES GROUP 68/69
SSG JOHN M BLEVINS JR A-415; A-412 05/67-06/68
SFC (RET) ALLEN R BODKIN CCS 06/68 - 05/69
COL (RET) JOHN N BOGART C-4 10/65 - 07/66
SFC (RET) JOSEPH M BOSSI PROJECT 404 04/69-04/70
MAJ (RET) ROBERT H BOST CCS 05/69-05/70
LTC (RET) LEONARD A BOULAS DET. B 52 PROJECT DELTA 07/64-11/65
SGM (RET) WILLIAM G BOWLES 1ST & 5TH SFG(A) 61/62/63/ 09/68-11/69
MAJ (RET) GEORGE G BOYD SOA/CCN - RT OKLAHOMA 11/69 - 12/70
MAJ (RET) JOHN J BRADFORD NHA TRANG MIKE FORCE, 5TH SFG 10/665 - 07/66
SP5 JERRY H BRAUDRICK A-104, C CO, 5TH SF, RVN 01/1965 TO 01/1966
SGM (RET) RONALD D BROCKELMAN C 1 MIKE FORCE & B-53 SOG 11/64-12/66&11/69-01/71
SGT RICHARD N BROKHAUSEN TF1AE, RECPN COMPANY ?? ?70/ MAR 72
SGM (RET) ROBERT E BROPHY MACV-SOG 05/66-05/67
SGT (RET) THOMAS C BROWN 5TH SPECIAL FORCES 5/66 - 67
LTC (RET) ROBERT K BROWN A-334; S-5 SFOB 02/69 - 09/69
LTC (RET) ALVIN H BUCKELEW TEAM OAK, PROJECT GAMMA 10/66-10/67
LTC (RET) JOHN P BURDISH III B-52/MEDICAL 02/68 - 10/69
CPT CLARENCE A BURRELL 5TH SFG, SFOB 07/69-08/70
LTC (RET) LEWIS H BURRUSS JR A-503 10/68
SGT PETER J BUSCETTO CCS 68-70
CPT (RET) JAMES E BUTLER CCN-RECON/MACSOG 08/70-01/72
SSG (RET) ROBERT D BYRNE B 55 MIKE FORCE JAN 70 - MAR 70
WO2 (RET) JAMES J CAREY A-232 & A-231 FEB 68 - APR 69
SGM (RET) RANDOLFO CESANI 5TH SFGA 67-68 & 69-70
MSG (RET) ROBERT A CHAREST B-56 SIGMA 5THSFG ABN 07/67-06/68
MSG (RET) STEVEN W CLARK 403SOD, 5THSFGA 10/68 - 06/69
SFC GEORGE E CLARK RCNDO;B-55 11/67-04/70
MAJ (RET) JOHN E CLECKNER II A 222-102, SFOB 1966-1969
CPT (RET) NEIL P COADY CCC 03/69-07/70
SGT VERNON E COLE C-2 09/26/68
LTC (RET) KEITH W COLLIVER STDAT-158, SPECIAL MISSION FORCE 01/7211/72
COL (RET) HENRY J COOK III A-402, A-403 67-70
SGM (RET) WILLIAM COOMBS S-4 LSC, 5TH SFGA 10/66-04/70
SGT JOHN J COPPINGER B-36 MGF 08/66 TO 05/68
MAJ (RET) ROBERT A COSTA A-503, C-4(S-3),CO E, S-3 11/66-11/67,11/68-11/69
COL (RET) ANDREW J COTTINGHAM JR 5TH GROUP/WRAIRSF/FEST(ABN) 09/66-08/67
SSG WILLIAM P COUGHLAN CCS 04/69=11/70
LTC (RET) LEONARD E COWLING DET A232,218,219 OCT65-OCT66
SFC (RET) STEPHEN L CRAIG DETACHMENT A-104 SEPT 1969 - SEPT 70
LTC (RET) WILLIAM J DADEK CCS 07/70-03/72
MSG (RET) GARY L DALTON 5TH SFGA,HQ/OMEGA PROJECT B-50/FANK CMD ITG 12-65-11-66/6-71-5-72
WO2 (RET) RONALD C DAVIDSON CCS/CCN 03/71-02/72
SGT JOSEPH A DAVIES DET. A-351 & DET. A-334, 5TH SFG (AIRBORNE) 04/66-05/67
MAJ (RET) MAURICE T DAVIS JR 5TH SFG/ SOG SEP 68/SEP69
COL (RET) JOHN J DEACY B-36, 3RD MSFC, CO.A, 5TH SFG (ABN) 11/67 - 05/69
SGT NORBERT C DEBOLT CCN 08/70-8/71
CPT (RET) ROBERT C DEES A-402, D CO, 5TH SFG(A) 01/70 - 12/70
MSG (RET) GERALD E DENISON MACVSOG FOB 2 9-67 10-68 3-71 11-71
SGM (RET) PHILIP F. D. DEVLIN 5TH SFGA, B52 & B51 01/70 - 12/70
1LT (RET) JOHN F DICK JR IDC,NHA TRANG 10/01/1968-12/30/1969
MAJ (RET) ROBERT E DOBBINS HQMACVSOG, OP-35 O5/69 - 12/70
SP4 DENNIS W DOBBS DET. A-238 BUON BLECH 10-67 - 10-68
SP5 DAVE DOVER FOB 2 MACV/SOG , DAK SEANG, DUC CO 3/67 - 1/68
SFC (RET) ALOYSIUS A DOYLE MGF, MSF, SMAG 12-63 TO 03-72
SFC (RET) LYLE D DRAKE B-55 (A-503) MIKE FORCE OCT 69 - OCT 70
MAJ (RET) THOMAS R DRINKARD SOG 07/67 -07/68
MSG (RET) JOHN F DRYDEN 3 A TEAMS, 5TH SFG 11/66 - 08/68
CPT (RET) LEE C DUNLAP 1ST SFG,MACVSOG,5TH SFG 06/67-03/68-05/69-05/70
SP5 (RET) STEVEN R DUNLOP [SHANAHAN] A-236 BUPRANG & A239 DUC LAP 11/10/69-11/10/70
MAJ (RET) ALVIN E DUNNEM A-749A 08/63-01/64
COL (RET) MICHAEL J DWYER TF2AE 06/71-06/72
SGT (RET) JOHN R DYKE JR 5TH SFG(ABN) CO D 9/66 TO 11/67
MSG (RET) GLENN E DYKE A-232 11/64-11/65
CSM (RET) MERLYN D ECKLES B-56 09/66-10/67
MAJ (RET) RANDAL ELLIOTT DET A-239 5TH SF GROUP 08/66-03/67
SSG (RET) THOMAS G EMBRY EAGLE FLIGHT 03/65 - 11/65
SSG STEVEN H EPPERSON A-231 05/69-04/70
MSG (RET) RICHARD L ESTES CCN 4/68- 4/69
MAJ (RET) AGUSTIN R FABIAN SOA B-52 07/69-07/70
SGT ROBERT J FAIR 5TH MOBILE STRIKE FORCE 08/68 - 08/69
LTC (RET) SAM M FELTENSTEIN II A-251 03/69-03/70
LTC (RET) KENNETH D FERGUSON 5TH SFGA JUL/63-AUG/66
CPT (RET) GREG R FINLEY 5TH SPECIAL FORCES GROUP 06/67 - 03/69
CPT (RET) PETER FITTS A-416 06/68- 11/68
SP4 JOHN J FITZPATRICK HHC (PUB INFO OFF), 5TH SPECIAL FORCES GP (ABN) 06/68 - =6/69
MSG (RET) RAYMOND F FLAHERTY 5TH SFGA JUNE 66 - MAY 67
COL (RET) ALLAN F FLEMING JR C&C 08/67-04/69
MSG (RET) GLENN R FORSYTHE 5TH, 7TH, & 10TH SFGA 11/63-07/79
MAJ (RET) RONALD P FORY RECONDO SCHOOL/COC 07/69-07/70
MSG (RET) EDGAR E FOSHEE B-52 1964-1965
MAJ (RET) TERRY A FOX B-40, 5TH SFG 07/69-05/70
SFC (RET) WILLIAM K FOXWORTH S3, HHC. 5TH SFGA DEC 67-DEC 68
SGM (RET) TRUMAN L FOY LSFG(ABN) 5SFG(ABN) 11/65-11/66 10/69-10/70
1LT (RET) CHARLES J FRALEY III B-43 A-432 2/68 -3/69
WO3 (RET) WILLIAM O FREYSER MULTIPLE MULTIPLE
MSG (RET) HARRY E FRIBERG A-503,A-102, MACVSOG 12/65-12/66, 09/70-09/71
MSG (RET) RAYMOND M FROVARP FOB-1, 3 & 4 & TF1AE 8/67-08/68;1/71-1/72
COL (RET) CHARLES H FRY DET A-217, 5TH SFG 01/67 - 07/67
MSG (RET) ALLEN E GANEY B-CO 5TH SF A-255 OCT 67 - 68
SGT BRUCE H GARDNER DET B52 5TH SF 1ST SFG 06/65-10/666
COL (RET) A LINCOLN GERMAN JR CDR., DET A-224/B-23/C-2 11/65-11-66 & 1/70-1/71
CPT (RET) ROBERT E GILBERT 5TH SFG 10/68 - 10/69
CSM (RET) CLIFFORD J GISSELL 5TH SPECIAL FORCES GP 09/68-09/69
COL (RET) GEORGE R GIVENS CO. A, CCN, 5TH SFGA 11/68 - 06/70
CSM (RET) EDWARD H GLEASON JR SOG, CCN, 1ST SFGA 67-75
SGT NICHOLAS J GODANO B-56 05/68-02/69
SSG JOHN W GOOD SOA CCC 02/70 - 03/72
LTC (RET) DAVID K GORDON CCN SOG 07/69 - 10/69
SGM (RET) FRANCIS M GRAHAM A-414, B-11 11/63-05/64--06/69-05/70
SSG (RET) DONALD A GREEN SOA CCC, 5TH SFGA 09/69 - 07/71
SGT MICHAEL D GREER MACV USARV 1/72-12/72
MAJ (RET) JAMES M GRIMSHAW 5TH SFG 03/66 - 03/67
1LT WILLIAM E GRITZBAUGH A-104, ETC. 11/69-11/70
SSG AARON W GRITZMAKER A-100 MAY66-525MAY67
MSG (RET) GEORGE E GROOM CO B 1ST SFG 04/6- 12/61
MAJ (RET) DONALD P GROSS 5TH SFG, RECONDO,PRU SEP 66-DEC 69
MSG (RET) JOSE GUERRA A-102 11/67 - 11/68
CPT MACK W GWINN JR SOG CCS 09-12-70
COL (RET) MAYO A HADDEN III DET B-52, 5TH SFGA 12/66-12/67 6/69-5/70
LTC (RET) REGINALD W HALL HQS S2 SECTION 12/67-02/70
SGM (RET) JEROME F HAMPTON RCNDO; C-2 01/70-12/70
SGT JOHN A HANSCOM A-242, B-24, CO.B, 5SFGA 04/69 - 04/70
MAJ (RET) PHILLIP L HANSON 46TH SPECIAL FORCES COMPANY SEPT. 1970 - SEPT. 1971
WO4 (RET) JOHN W HARRISON HQ 5TH SPECIAL FORCES NOVEMBER 1968
SGT JAMES C HARRISON B-56 07/67-07/68
MAJ (RET) JOHN R HAUCK A312, A324 MAR 1966-FEB 1970
MSG (RET) ROBERT F HEAD 5TH SFG./CSD/MACV-SOG 05/66-05/67 05/68-05/69
LTC (RET) GEORGE D HEIB B-4510 46THE SFCA JUL 67-JUN 68
SSG MICHAEL C HEINRICY 5TH SFG MACVSOG CCN 8/70 8/71
MSG (RET) PATRICK J HEMINGER CCN 06/70-06-71
COL (RET) ROBERT L HENDERSON DET C3, 5TH SFGA OCT 64-OCT 65
MSG (RET) PHILLIP M HERBERT C&C DET, FOB 1 05/67 - 04/68
SGT TONY R HERRELL FOB-3,-1,& -4 04/68-04/69
WO3 (RET) GEORGE W HEWITT SOG - CCS/CCN 12/69 - 12/70
SGT CHARLES W HIGHTOWER CO D, DET B43, A433 APRIL 66 THRU NOV 68
SSG (RET) TERRY L HILL 403RD SOD, 5TH SFG 03/68 - 10/69
MSG (RET) MELVIN HILL SOA CCN 05/66-05/67 03/70-10/71
MSG (RET) ROBERT M HINES SR MACV MAY68-MAY69
SGM (RET) CHARLES F HOAGLAND JR 5TH SF, MIKE FORCE II CORPS 08/67-08/68-08/71-05/72
LTC (RET) LEON M HOPE MACSOG 10/70-04/71
SGT (RET) EVERETT L HOUSTON USA SF CCN 01/69- 11/69
SSG CHESTER B HOWARD B-52, 5TH SPECIAL FORCES GROUP 6/1969 - 6/1970
MSG (RET) HUGH R HUBBARD NUMEROUS 1962-1972
MAJ (RET) THOMAS O HUMPHUS RANGER SEC, DET. B-52, 5TH SFGA 02/68 - 08/69
MSG (RET) CARLOS M INOT C CO., 5TH SFG(A) 11/67 - 11/68
SGM (RET) HAROLD JACOBSON 1SFG/CSD 61-63
MSG (RET) JAN JANOSIK 46THCO/WHITE STARE/B31/36/COMBODIAN PROGRAM 60/61/65-66/68/71-72
SGT DEAN A JARVIS B-36 A-363 (UITG) 07/71 - 04/72
SGM (RET) JERRY L JEFFCOAT 403 SOD, PLEIKU JUL 67 - AUG 68
MSG (RET) HENRY D JENNINGS 5TH SFG & MACVSOG SEP66TO JUNE 69
COL (RET) EDWARD M JENTZ MACSOG OP-35 JUN 1966 - JAN 1967
MSG (RET) ROBERT B JOHANSEN DET B-50, CCS 04/67-08/68
LTC (RET) ROBERT W JONES JR 5TH SF GP HGS & DET B-55 12/69 -12/70
SP5 (RET) STEVE E KABEL DET A-414, 5SFGA, 1SFGA 11/69 - 10/70
SGT TERRY N KAISER B-55 1966-1968
CPT (RET) LARRY M KEIL CCS 01/69-0170
SGT ALAN N KELLER FOB-2 05/66-04/67
SGT LESLIE W KELLEY A-106 07/69 - 07/70
WO4 (RET) LARRY D KELLY CCN 1/71-12/71
1LT (RET) KENNETH A KELSCH 5TH SFG, SOA 08/68-9/89
SGT (RET) GEORGE E KENNEDY B 15 5TH SFG (I CORP MIKE FORCE) JUNE1968 -APRIL 1969
SSG (RET) FRANK E KENNEMUR A411 DEC
1LT LESLIE C KENNEY II HHC 11/67-07/68
1LT JON R KER A-245 0169-0469
CPT (RET) DONALD L KING A-421 & B16 MSF 09/64-65 & 05/69-70
SGT (RET) ERNEST H KIRK DET. A415, B-41, 5SFGA 17 SEP 69-17 SEP 70
SSG STEPHEN J KIRK MACVSOG CCN FOB#1 JUNE 67-MAY 68
SP4 (RET) GARY P KLESITZ A255-B COMPANY-5TH SFG 10/69-10/70
MAJ (RET) HENRY P KOHN JR B-56, PROJECT SIGMA, 5TH SFG (ABN), 1ST SF (CCS) 05/68 - 05/69
SGT (RET) CHARLES J KOSCINSKI A-726 1964 JULY-NOVEMBER
SGT (RET) MICHAEL J KRAWCZYK FOB 1 CCN 10/68-05/69
SP5 GARY F LAMBERTY 403RD SOD 03/69 - 10/70
SGT BRUCE R LANG CCN 1971; PROJECT 404 1970 03/70 - 9/71
CPT (RET) JAMES P LATTIMORE A-232, B-20 MSF, 5TH SFGA 11/68 - 11/69
SSG (RET) JOHN B LAWSON B CO, B55, B53, SOG36 05/67 - 12/69
SGT (RET) JOSEPH L LENHART 5THSFGA,C4,A402,A416 07/67 - 07/68
SP5 GARY L LEONARD 5TH SF, TFIAE (CCN) 07/70 - 10/71
SGT DOUGLAS L LETOURNEAU CCN 10/68 - 10/69
SGM (RET) JAMES W LEWIS A-304,A-432,5TH SF JAN 67-DEC67
MAJ (RET) MICHAEL D LINNANE DET A 244 12/98-12/99
COL (RET) ROBERT W LOCKRIDGE A-334, 1ST SFG (ABN); HQ 5TH SFG(ABN) 11/64-05/65;12/66-11/67
LTC (RET) LANCE O LOLLINI 5TH SFG, HHC 68,69
SFC THOMAS B LONG JR A-255 12/65-12/66
SFC (RET) RILEY E LOTT JR 4TH CORP MIKE FORCE 12/64-12/68 7/69-7/70
MAJ (RET) WILLIAM T LUEDERS 7TH SF JAN 60 - DEC 63
MAJ (RET) DONALD E LUNDAY 5TH SFG, MACSOG 11-66-10/67,72/73
MAJ (RET) JAMES D MACDONALD C-4 10/67-05/69
MSG (RET) EDWARD H MACDOUGALL MACV SOG, 5TH SFGA 1965-66...1968-69
SGT (RET) ROBERT B MACPHEE 6TH SFG,5TH SFG A103,MACV MY AN IV CORPS 3/67-9/67, 10/67-10/68
LTC (RET) EUGENE E MAKOWSKI DET A-111, CO C 5TH SFGA 11/67 - 10/68
CPT (RET) LARRY T MANES MACSOG/5TH SFG. 09-62--07-72
CSM (RET) REGINALD T MANNING A-322;B-32 01/69-01/70
SSG (RET) JAMES J MARABLE CO D 5TH SFGA 1ST SF 08/1969-08/1970
MAJ (RET) BOBBY H MARLER A-110, FANK/UITG 06/66-05/67 06/71-03/72
LTC (RET) HENDERSON R MARRIOTT III SMAG 71-72
SGT BARTON N MARSHALL 5TH SFG, II CORPS MIKE FORCE (PLEIKU) 03/67 - 03/68
MSG (RET) DEAN M MCBRIDE 5TH SFG MACVSOG CCS 1977
CPT (RET) GARY L MCCLENDON A 121 B 210 04/62-10/62 02/63-08/63
LTC (RET) PAUL J MCDILL 5SFGA, I CORPS MIKE FORCE 68-69
MSG (RET) BENNIE R MCDONALD DET. "A-411" CO. D, 5TH SFGA 01/67----01/68
MSG (RET) JOHN C MCGOVERN 5TH SFG, CCN, FOB1 FOB3 JAN. 1968- JAN. 1969
SGT TERRY L MCINTOSH A--414, CO D, 5TH SFGA 1968 - 1969
1LT JAMES D MCLEROY A-106; FOB-4 CCN 06/67-07/68
MSG (RET) JAMES MCLUCKIE 5TH SFG 1966/67-70/71-72
1LT (RET) CHARLES W MCMENAMY A-503 07/66-02/67
MSG (RET) LARRY S MCMILLIN SOG/ RECONDO/B40/A-421 05/66-05-67/10-69-5-70
MSG (RET) PATRICK D MCTAMANY A-415, 5TH SFGA 03/68 TO 03/69
SGT PATRICK W MEADE A-233 5TH SFG 08/66-09/67
CPT (RET) KEITH J MESSINGER JR CCN (RT VA) & MLT1 OCT 70-OCT 71
CSM (RET) GRADY F MILES 1ST,5THSFG,SOG,FOB2 APR60 FEB 72
CPT (RET) RICHARD L MILLER A-311/A-333 10/65-10/66 10/68-10/69
LTC (RET) RICHARD S MILLER XO B32, S2 C3, 5SFGA 01/68-01/69
LTC (RET) MICHAEL A MILLER CCN; SFOB 10/69-09/69
CPT TRAVIS W MILLS MACV-SOG 05/68 - 12/69
MSG (RET) DAVID S MITCHELL 5TH SFG, SOA RECONDO 06/69 - 06/70
CPT (RET) JAMES P MONAGHAN NUMEROUS NUMEROUS
SGT LEONARD D MOREAU B-56 11/67-10/68
MAJ (RET) JAMES F MORRIS C-2; SFOB; TDY 06-67-04/68
MAJ (RET) BOYD F MORRIS 5TH SF GRP 1963, 68-69, 71, 73
SFC (RET) MILLARD W MOYE JR CCC 12/70-12/71
SGM (RET) STEVEN A MOZIAN B-52 2/69-8/70
CSM (RET) ROBERT F MULCAHY 4THBNMSF 04/69-05/70
MAJ (RET) WILLIAM G MULLINS SR DET 12/68-12/69
SGT (RET) JACKIE W MULLINS A-413 02/68-05/69
SFC (RET) JOHN R NEWMAN CCC,5TH SFG(A) 06/70 - 06/71
SFC (RET) CLIFFORD M NEWMAN MACV SOG 08/69-08/71
CPT (RET) ROBERT L NOE CCN/S1 5SFGA/A105 1SFGA DEC68-APR74
SGT CHARLES A NOYES A-341 BU DOP 5TH SPECIAL FORCES GRP RVN 09/69 - 04/70
SGM (RET) ROLAND NUQUI B50/B36 RECON 09/66-09/67;03/69-03/70
MSG (RET) LLOYD G ODANIEL 5TH SPECIAL FORCES, SOG, PROJECT 404 11/65-6/73
SFC (RET) WILLIAM V OLDS 403RD 08/1967-04/1969
SGT JOHN A ONEILL JR UITG/FANK LHTC 04/71-03/72
CPT (RET) JOHN M OSHEA A-326, B-32, CO. A, 5TH SFGA 6/69-6/70
MAJ JOHN E PADGETT VARIOUS- 5TH SFG(A) APR 67-SEP 71
SGM (RET) CLARENCE A PAGE A-351 5TH SFGA 04/66-04/67
SGT (RET) JOSE L PALACIO A108 12/1969-6/1070
SSG MICHAEL L PARKS DETACHMENT A 341 5TH SFG AUG 68-MARCH 70
MSG (RET) WILLIAM T PARLON 5TH SF SOG 9/64 - 9/65; 1/72 - 4/72
SGT JOSEPH F PARNAR CCC 5/68-4/69
SFC (RET) JAMES D PARRIS B-57 5TH SFG 06/69-12/70
SGT (RET) LARRY R PAYNE 10, RT MICHIGAN, CCN 03/68 -03/69
LTC (RET) LYNWOOD M PELOT JR MACSOG OP20 06/70-06/71
COL (RET) RAYMOND A PENDLETON DET. A-253 07/66 - 08/67
LTC (RET) JOHN R PERCHARD JR COC 5SFGA A103 CO113 MSF 05/67 - 05/68
SFC (RET) ROBERT L PERKINS A-321, 0966 0470
SFC (RET) BRUCE E PERRY CCS 05/68-06/70
SP5 (RET) CHARLES J PESTA DETACHMENT B-36 JANUARY TO JUNE
SP4 JOHN E PETERS FOB I; CCC 4/68 TO 3/69
SGT DANIEL J PIERELLI B-23 03/69-04/70
SSG RONALD B PIPER B-36 3RD MOBILE STRIKE FORCE 05/68-11/68
MSG (RET) WARREN A POCHINSKI A 343, B 34, C 3. (CO A) 01/66 - 12/68
SP4 (RET) PAUL W POSEY JR A-344, 04/67-12/67
CPT JON C POTTER SOA B50/CCS 06/68-06/69
SFC (RET) DONALD T PRESLER A-301 BEN CAT 11/64 - 11/65
MSG (RET) EULIS A PRESLEY SOA 01/67-12/70
CPT (RET) DAVID J PRISTASH TEAM XO 12/66 - 4/68
SGM (RET) ROBERT A PRONIER B57 6/69-6/70
SGT (RET) ROBERT D PRYOR A-344 12/68 - 06/69
MAJ (RET) DONALD L PUGH A-321 , A-324 ,302,322, B-35 9/65-9/66;1/68-2/69
MAJ WILLIAM S RATCLIFFE A-235 10/67 - 12/68
CPT (RET) THOMAS H RAU B-20 II CORPS MIKE FORCE 06/69 - 04/70
MSG (RET) MARCUS E REED 5TH SGG 62,63, 65,66,70,AND71
LTC (RET) CARL J REGAN 1ST SFG, 5TH SFG 1962 -1964
SGT MICHAEL T RHODE DET A-322; 5TH SFG 05/68-09/68
SFC KENNETH J RICHTER 5TH SFG(A) A-219 MIKE FORCE 12/66 - 12/67
SGT WILLIAM R RIMONDI JR 5TH SPECIAL FORCES; CCN 04/71-09/71
MSG (RET) JAMES G RINGLAND III FOB1 05/67-06-68
SFC (RET) RONALD L ROBERTSON 14TH ENG BN, FT ORD NOV 78-JAN 80
SGT JON L ROEMER DETACHMENT B52 11/67 - 11/68
SGT (RET) GORDON L ROTTMAN A-333 04/69 - 05/70
SGM (RET) ANTHONY L RUBIO A-233,B-50,RECONDOSCHOOL, B-36 11/66-11/67,03/69-03/70
SP5 JEFFREY L RUSSELL ODA 362 ODA 364 FANK 3/72 - 2/73
COL (RET) EDWARD S RYBAT FOB-1;FANK 67-68;70-71
1LT (RET) DAVID F RYDER JR B-52 04/68 03/69
SGT DOUGLAS A SAPPER A/310 A/322 A/342 1965 TO 1966
MAJ (RET) STEVEN R SCHOFIELD MACVSOG, CCN 0368-0768
1LT (RET) GEORGE H SCHWINGHAMMER A-231 10/69-12/70
SSG MICHAEL G SCOTT 5TH SFGA, 1ST SF,CCN.B-52,FANK 12/67 05/69
CSM (RET) DOUGLAS C SEAL 403D RRSOD,5TH SFG 08/69-08/70
COL (RET) JAMES L SELDERS 5TH SPECIAL FORCES GRP (ABN) 11/68 - 11/69
SGM (RET) ATLEY J SHARP CCS OCT 68-OCT 69
MSG (RET) ANDREW D SHEPPARD A-331;B-52; C-4;FANK 1965-71
1LT STEPHEN G SHERMAN C-2 S-5; SFOB S-5 5TH SFGA 08/67-08/68
SP4 LONNIE T SHOULTZ JR DETACHMENT A-108, 5TH SFGA 2/66 - 12/66
SGT WALTER R SHURLING A-108 5TH SFGA 12/69 - 12/70
SSG LARRY E SILLS 46THSFCA, HALO/SUCBA DET ODA21 AUG 72 THRU AUG 73
SGM (RET) ROBERT N SILVA MR 77TH/5TH/7TH/10TH 1955-1979;1981-1983
MSG (RET) ROBERT H SIMMONS 539TH ENGINEERS/KB-1 FEB 68 - FEB 69
MAJ (RET) CLYDE J SINCERE JR MACVSOG; II CTZ MSF 06/66-6/69
MG (RET) JOHN K SINGLAUB MACSOG 05/66-08/68
MSG (RET) CLETIS D SINYARD SOA CCN 8/68 - 8/69
WO2 (RET) LOUIS SMITH JR FOB II 05/1966
SGT (RET) TERRENCE W "FISH" SMITH 5TH SFGA MACVSOGCCNRECON 69-70 71-72
LTC (RET) DAVID C SMITH SOG 03/67-05/68
MSG (RET) LEON P SONNENBERG CCS/CCN/B-53/FANK PTTB 09/69 - 11/72
MAJ (RET) STEVEN V SOSA MIKE FORCE,C-1 10/64-11/65
MSG (RET) MAX D SPEERS DET A321 BEN SOI RVN MAR66-MAR 67
SFC (RET) HERBERT J ST GEORGE B-50 (PROJECT OMEGA) 5TH SFGA 05/67 05/68
MSG (RET) ANDRE J ST LAURENT B-52/B-36/CCC/B-53 07/65-03/72
SGT JOHN M ST. MARTIN JR CCC RECON 12/68-08/69
SFC (RET) DONALD A STEBBINS B-40 A-402 11/68-05/70
SP5 ROBERT J STEPANIAN 5SFG DET A104/A105 3/68-3/69
SGT GEORGE J STERNBERG JR CCN 08/67-12/68
SFC (RET) LEE H STEWARD 46 SFA 1967---1968
SGM (RET) JIMMIE L STEWART 5TH SFG, MACVSOG (FOB-2/FOB-1) 05/66 - 04/67
MSG (RET) KENNETH D STICKNEY B35 CO A, 5TH SFG (ABN) 9/62-3/63 8/67-6/68
CSM (RET) RONNIE STRAHAN 7TH,5TH,6TH,10TH SFG 06/66 - 07/91
SGT ROBERT L STRANGE CCN 09/67-09/68
LTC (RET) DARR F SULLIVAN JR A-412, C-4, 5TH SFGA 07/65-07/66
SP5 (RET) JOHN L TALBOT 5TH SFG(ABN), SMAG 06/70 - 07/71
SGM (RET) DONALD J TAYLOR 5TH SFG AND MACV SOG 01/66 - 03/72
MAJ (RET) JAMES T TAYLOR A 749, A342, A302 06/65-02/66
SGT ROBERT W TAYLOR 5TH SFG SOA CCN 08/69 - 08/70
SFC DOUGLAS L THOMAS MAC/SOG CCS/CCN 4/69-1/72
SSG LYNN R THOMPSON CCN RECON 09/66-02/72
COL JOHN N TOBIN B 55, 5TH SFGA 05/69-05/70
MSG (RET) LAUGHLIN J TODD CCC RT CA 05/70-05/71
SFC (RET) LARRY L TRIMBLE FOB 4 07/68 - 07/69
CPT (RET) CHARLES F TRUCKS CCN; TF1AE 04/70-04/71
CPT (RET) DANIEL D TURNER SON TAY RAIDERS 08/70 - 11/70
CPT STEPHEN N TWINING B-55 A-504 4/70-2/72
MSG (RET) DONALD E VALENTINE 5TH SF GRP [ABN] 12/64-12/65 & 3/68-8/68
MAJ (RET) HARLAN E VAN WINKLE ODA341, 5TH SFG(ABN) 09/69-05/70
CSM (RET) JOSE E VASQUEZ DET. A-502, 5TH SFG (ABN) JAN 1967-FEB 1968
SGT MICHAEL J VERMILLION B-52 (DELTA), CCC MACVSOG 01/70 - 01/71
MSG (RET) DONNIE C VICKERS OPN.SGT.& 1ST SGT RECON CCS SOG 3/67-3/68,10/70-10/71
CPT (RET) JOHN D WAGHELSTEIN CDR, ODA -101 07/65-07/66
MSG (RET) JOSEPH A WASKAS 5TH SF GROUP(ABN) 10/1967 - 04/1969
MAJ (RET) THOMAS R WASKOVICH SOA / CCC 1/69-12/69
SGM (RET) PATRICK N WATKINS JR MACVSOG 67-68-71-72
SGM (RET) WILLIAM D WAUGH VARIOUS A TEMAS, MIKE FORCE, SOG 1954-1973
1LT (RET) RICHARD C WEIGOLD MACVSOG--CCS 06/68 - 05/69
MSG (RET) LEWIS H WELLS JR 5TH SF SOG 03/71 TILL 2/72
SSG (RET) HENRY D WETHERINGTON A-322,B-32,C-3, 5TH GROUP 10/67 - 10/68
CSM (RET) JAMES D WHEELER SOA (CCN), 5TH SFGA MAY 70-APRIL 72
SSG (RET) LAURIE W WHITLARK 5TH SFG(A) 07/67-07/68,,04/69-08/70
SFC (RET) FRANKLIN P WHITMORE CCN 1969 - 1970
WO3 (RET) ROBERT E WHITTAKER AVIATION SECTION,46TH SF GP THAILAND JULY,1971-JULY,1972
MAJ WARREN W WILLIAMS SOG, OP-35 DECEMBER 1968
SSG (RET) GENE H WILLIAMS 5TH SFG (ABN) & MACV SOG 07/66 - 10/68
SFC (RET) WARREN R WILLMAN CCS 06/68 - 07/69
SGM (RET) DAMIAN P WILSON 403RD RRU, 5TH SPECIAL FORCES GROUP (ABN) 11/67 - 11/68
CPT (RET) GARY G WINETEER A-242, A-244 10-66/10-67
SSG ROBERT B WOODHAM CCN 08/70-01/72
MSG (RET) JASON T WOODWORTH 1ST, 5TH SFG, SOG 06/63 - 01/69
CSM (RET) HARRY B WORD JR A-503 , B-52 66-67-68=69
MSG (RET) GARY L WRIGHT UITG/FANK 72-73
CPT (RET) EDWARD K YARBROUGH IV 5TH SF GROUP 4/66 -4/67
SGT RAYMOND K YARBROUGH C-3 - BIEN HOA 8/66 - 6/68
CPT KLARE W YAVASILE B-57 (03/68-02/69)

[wstera2]

Kerry Covered up Second Meeting with Vietcong Negotiators

John Kerry met twice with representatives of the North Vietnamese government during the Vietnam war, in separate visits to Paris over the span of more than a year - and planned a third meeting before he left the leadership of the anti-American protest group Vietnam Veterans Against the War.

The unauthorized sit downs between Kerry and the enemy delegation, as detailed in this week's Weekly Standard, took place at the Paris peace talks in 1970 and '71 - and fly in the face of claims by the Kerry campaign that there was only one such meeting.

Noting that both the Washington Post and the New York Times had to retract recent reports attacking the Swiftboat Veterans and POWs for Truth for running an ad claiming that Kerry "secretly met with the enemy," the Standard explained that the confusions stems from attempts by the Kerry campaign to cover-up the earlier meeting.

"Kerry did go to Paris to meet the Communists in 1971, some time during the summer, probably in August. But this was a second trip, and Kerry's advocates have done their best to veil the fact that there was more than one trip."

The Standard added that Kerry's first meeting with North Vietnamese negotiators "took place in or around May 1970, eleven months before his Foreign Relations Committee testimony" where he trashed soldiers in Vietnam as "war criminals" and "monsters."

That first meeting "appears to have been kept secret for nearly a year," the Standard said, until Kerry mentioned it during his Senate testimony - which would validate Swiftvets' claims.

The Times' misreport centered on the claim that Kerry had met with "both sides" during the Paris talks. But like the single meeting report, this is also untrue.

"In 1971 when Kerry described his first Paris meeting, he said he had talked to 'both delegations.'" But the future presidential candidate wasn't referring to the U.S. and North Vietnam, but instead to both Communist delegations.

Correcting its error the next week, the Times reported that it had "misidentified the parties with whom Mr. Kerry said he had met at the Paris peace talks. . . . The parties were the two Communist delegations - North Vietnam and the Viet Cong's Provisional Revolutionary Government."

The Standard notes that Kerry actually planned to meet a third time with enemy negotiators, but the trip never came off.

"FBI files reveal that Kerry planned a third such trip together with [VVAW leader Al] Hubbard for November [1971]. But, as it turned out, Hubbard went without Kerry, perhaps because the two had by then fallen out over revelations that Hubbard's repeated claims to have been an officer and a Vietnam vet were fabricated."

http://www.newsmax.com/archives/ic/2004/10/24/30416.shtml

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Col. George E. "Bud" Day is the most decorated officer since Gen. Douglas MacArthur, and was Senator John McCain's cellmate in the Hanoi Hilton. The following is a letter to Joe Scarborough and John O'Neil from Medal of Honor Recipient and former POW Colonel Bud Day.

Some thoughts from a guy who has earned the right to voice his opinion

LETTER FROM COLONEL BUD DAY


Dear Joe:

The major issue in the Swiftboat stories is, and always has been, what John Kerry did in 1971 after he returned from Vietnam. Kerry cast a long dark shadow over all Vietnam Veterans with his outright perjury before the Senate concerning atrocities in Vietnam. His stories to the Senate committee were absolute lies..fabrications..perjury..fantasies, with NO substance. That dark shadow has defamed the entire Vietnam War veteran population, and gave "Aid and Comfort" to our enemies..the Vietnamese Communists. Kerry's stories were outright fabrications, and were intended for political gain with the radical left..McGovern, Teddy and Bobby Kennedy followers, Jane Fonda, Tom Hayden, and the radical left who fantasized that George McGovern was going to be elected in 1972. Little wonder that returning soldiers from Vietnam were spit upon and castigated as "baby killers".

A returned war hero said so. Kerry cut a dashing figure as a war hero, lots of medals, and returned home because of multiple war wounds..even a silver star. His Senate testimony confirmed what every hippie had been chanting on the streets.."Hey hey LBJ..How many kids did you kill today"????? He obviously was running for political office in 1971.

Until Lt. John O' Neil, himself a Swifboat commander, spoke out before the 1972 elections against Kerry's outright deceptions, there was no one from the Swiftboat scene that could contradict Kerry's self serving lies.

I was a POW of the Vietnamese in Hanoi in 1971, and I am aware that the testimony of John Kerry, the actions of Jane Fonda and Tom Hayden, and the radical left; all caused the commies to conclude that if they hung on, they would win. North Vietnamese General Bui Tin commented that every day the Communist leadership listened to world news over the radio to follow the growth of the anti-war movement. Visits to Hanoi by Jane Fonda and Ramsey Clark gave them confidence to hold in the face of battlefield reverses. The guts of it was that propaganda from the anti-war group was part of their combat strategy.

While the Commies were hanging on, innumerable U.S. Soldiers, Sailors, Marines and Air Force members were being killed in combat. Every battle wound to Americans after Kerry's misdirected testimony is related to Kerry's untruthfulness. John Kerry contributed to every one of these deaths with his lies about U.S. atrocities in Vietnam. He likewise defamed the U.S. with our allies and supporters. His conduct also extended the imprisonment of the Vietnam Prisoners of War, of which I was one. I am certain of at least one POW death after his testimony, which might have been prevented with an earlier release of the POWs.

My friend and room mate Senator John S. McCain denounced the Swiftboat video by John O'Neil. I have a different take on the Swiftboat tape and disagree with my good friend John.

John Kerry opened up his character as a war hero reporting for duty to the country with a hand salute...and his band of brothers..of which he was the chief hero. Most of his convention speech was about John Kerry..............Vietnam hero, and his band of brothers. John Kerry's character is not only fair game, it is the primary issue. He wants to use Bill Clinton's "is", as an answer to his lack of character.

The issue is trust. Can anyone trust John Kerry?? "Never lie, cheat or steal" is the West Point motto. When a witness perjures himself at trial, the judge notes that his testimony lacks credibility. Should we elect a known proven liar to lead us in wartime??

I draw a direct comparison of General Benedict Arnold of the Revolutionary War, to Lieutenant John Kerry. Both went off to war, fought, and then turned against their country. General Arnold crossed over to the British for money and position. John Kerry crossed over to the Vietnamese with his assistance to the anti-war movement, and his direct liaison with the Vietnamese diplomats in Paris. His reward. Political gain. Senator..United States. His record as a Senator for twenty years has been pitiful. Conjure up, if you will, one major bill that he has sponsored.

John Kerry for President? Ridiculous. Unthinkable. Unbelievable. Outrageous.

Col. Geo. "Bud" Day,
Medal of Honor,
Vietnam POW 1967- 1973,
USMC- USA- USAF- Attorney 1949-2004

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Discovered papers:

Hanoi directed Kerry

Recovered Vietnam documents smoking gun researchers claim

Posted: October 26, 2004
1:00 a.m. Eastern

By Art Moore

The first documentary evidence that Vietnamese communists were directly steering John Kerry's antiwar group Vietnam Veterans Against the War has been discovered in a U.S. archive, according to a researcher who spoke with WorldNetDaily.

One freshly unearthed document, http://ice.he.net/~freepnet/kerry/staticpages/index.php?page=vccircular captured by the U.S. from Vietnamese communists in 1971 and later translated, indicates the Viet Cong and North Vietnamese delegations to the Paris peace talks that year were used as the communications link to direct the activities of Kerry and other antiwar activists who attended.

Kerry insists he attended the talks only because he happened to be in France on his honeymoon and maintains he met with both sides. But previously revealed records indicate the future senator made two, and possibly three, trips to Paris to meet with Viet Cong leader Madame Nguyen Thi Binh to promote her plan's demand for U.S. surrender.

Jerome Corsi, a specialist on the Vietnam era, told WND the new discoveries are the "most remarkable documents I've seen in the entire history of the antiwar movement."

"We're not going to say he's an agent for Vietnamese communists, but it's the next thing to it," he said. "Whether he was consciously carrying out their direction or naively doing what they wanted, it amounted to the same thing -- he advanced their cause."

Corsi, co-author of the Swift Boat Vets and POWs for Truth best-seller "Unfit for Command," and Scott Swett, who maintains the group's website, have posted a summary of the discovery on the website of Wintersoldier.com.

Corsi says the documents show how the North Vietnamese, the Viet Cong, the People's Coalition for Peace and Justice, the Communist Party of the USA and Kerry's VVAW worked closely together to achieve the Vietnamese communists' primary objective -- the defeat of the U.S. in Vietnam.

"I think what we've discovered is a smoking gun," Corsi said. "We knew when we wrote 'Unfit for Command' that Kerry had met with Madame Binh and then promoted her peace plan.

"This document enables us to connect the dots," he emphasized. "We now have evidence Madame Binh was directing the antiwar movement ... and the person who implemented her strategy was John Kerry."

July 22, 1971, Kerry called on President Nixon to accept the plan at a press conference in which he surrounded himself with the families of POWs, a strategy outlined in the first document.

The two documents also connect the dots between the Vietnamese communists and the radical U.S. group People's Coalition for Peace and Justice through the person of Al Hubbard, a coordinating member of PCPJ and the executive director of VVAW while Kerry was its national spokesman.

"Al Hubbard and John Kerry were carrying out the predetermined agenda of the enemy in a coordinated fashion," Corsi said. "It's a level of collaboration that exceeded anything we had imagined."

'Return the medals'

The second document, captured by U.S. military forces in South Vietnam May 12, 1972, urges Vietnamese officials to promote the antiwar activities in the United States.

Significantly, the fifth paragraph makes it clear the Vietnamese communists were using, for propaganda purposes, a protest described as taking place April 19-22, 1971.

This coincides with the well-known "Dewey Canyon III" protest in Washington, D.C., highlighted by Kerry's Senate Foreign Relations testimony charging American soldiers with war crimes.

The document's description of the protest includes the "return the medals" event in which Kerry and other VVAW members threw their war decorations toward the steps of the Capitol.

Why now?

Corsi told WND the documents have been authenticated with "100 percent certainty."

But why were they unearthed now, just one week before the Nov. 2 election?

Corsi insisted the timing was unintentional.

"It's truly one of those accidents of how things develop in research," he said. "We did not spring any surprise, we just found these documents, and even the archivist didn't know they were there."

Swift Boat Vets and POWs for Truth dispatched two researchers to Texas Tech University's Vietnam-era archive in Lubbock, which has more than 2 million documents, and "see if there was anything there," Corsi said.

Many of the documents are in Vietnamese and have not been translated yet.

The documents were found in boxes containing documents from antiwar activities during 1971-72, but they also turned out to be posted in an Internet database, which enabled further verification.

First document

The first document is a "circular" outlining the Vietnamese regime's strategies to coordinate its propaganda effort with orchestration of U.S. antiwar group activities.

The spontaneous antiwar movements in the US have received assistance and guidance from the friendly ((VC/NVN)) delegations at the Paris Peace Talks.

The phrases in double parentheses were added by U.S. translators for clarification. "VC" refers to the Viet Cong, while "NVN" is the North Vietnamese government.

Corsi and Swett point out that FBI files show Kerry returned to Paris to meet with the North Vietnamese delegation in August 1971 and planned a third trip in November.

Corsi emphasizes that before the discovery of this document, he and other researchers had no direct evidence that Hanoi actually was directing the antiwar movement to implement the regime's goals, although they assumed it to be the case based on other indications.

In her meeting with Kerry in Paris, Madame Binh instructed him on how he and the VVAW could "serve as Hanoi's surrogates in the United States," Corsi and Swett say. This included advancement of her seven-point peace plan forcing President Nixon to set a date to end the war and withdraw troops.

Hanoi cleverly constructed the plan so that the only barrier to release of American POWs was Nixon's unwillingness to set a withdrawal date.

But as Corsi and Swett emphasize, the plan amounted to a virtual surrender that included payment of reparations and an admission the U.S. was the aggressor in an immoral war against the communists.

The circular underscores the impact of the peace plan on U.S. activists, saying:
<<<
"The seven-point peace proposal ((of the SVN Provisional Revolutionary Government)) not only solved problems concerning the release of US prisoners but also motivated the people of all walks of life and even relatives of US pilots detained in NVN to participate in the antiwar movement.
>>>>

Another section of the circular, again highlighting the interconnectedness of the Vietnamese communists, the U.S. antiwar movement and politics in the U.S. and South Vietnam, says Nixon and South Vietnamese leader Thieu are "very embarrassed because the seven-point peace proposal is supported by the [South Vietnamese] people's (( political struggle)) movement and the antiwar movements in the US. "

Therefore, the circular says, "all local areas, units, and branches must widely disseminate the seven-point peace proposal, step up the people's ((political struggle)) movements both in cities and rural areas, taking advantage of disturbances and dissensions in the enemy's forthcoming (RVN) Congressional and Presidential elections. They must coordinate more successfully with the antiwar movements in the US so as to isolate the Nixon-Thieu clique."

Second document

In addition to tying activities surrounding Kerry's 1971 protest to the direction of Vietnamese communists, the second document reveals the degree to which Hanoi worked with and through the People's Coalition for Peace and Justice.

Of the U.S. antiwar movements, the two most important ones are: The PCPJ ((the People's Committee for Peace and Justice)) and the NPAC ((National Peace Action Committee)). These two movements have gathered much strength and staged many demonstrations. The PCPJ is the most important. It maintains relations with us.

Corsi and Swett note the House Internal Securities Committee in its 1971 Annual Report described the PCPJ as an organization strongly controlled by U.S. communists.

"There is no question but what members of the Communist Party have provided a very strong degree of influence, even a guiding influence, in the evolution and formation of policies of the People's Coalition for Peace and Justice."

Corsi cites recently released FBI surveillance reports that establish a strong link between Kerry, Hubbard, the VVAW, the PCPJ and their trips to Paris to meet with Madame Binh.

Kerry shared the stage with Hubbard, who recruited Kerry into the group, during the Dewey Canyon III protest, and they appeared together on NBC's Meet the Press April 18, 1971. Hubbard's claimed to have been a transport pilot wounded in combat, but the Department of Defense released documents showing he was neither a pilot nor an officer and had never served in Vietnam.

One FBI field surveillance report stamped Nov. 11, 1971, showed Kerry and Hubbard were planning to travel to Paris later that month to engage in talks with Vietnamese communist delegations. Other FBI reports clearly show the Communist Party of the USA was paying for Al Hubbard's trips to Paris, Corsi notes.

Another FBI report, dated Nov. 24, 1971, gives details of Hubbard's presentation to a VVAW meeting of the Executive and Steering committees in Kansas City, Mo., Nov. 12-15, 1971.

At that meeting, the VVAW considered and then rejected a plan to assassinate several pro-war U.S. Senators. Kerry is listed as present.

The FBI document shows communist coordination in Hubbard's trip to Paris.

<<<<
[BLACK OUT] advised that Hubbard gave the following information regarding his Paris trip:

Two foreign groups, which are Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) and Peoples Republic Government (PRG) (phonetic), invited representatives of the VVAW, Communist Party USA (CP USA), and a Left Wing group in Paris, to attend meeting of the above inviting groups in Paris. Hubbard advised he was elected to represent the VVAW. An unknown male was invited to represent the CP USA and an unknown individual was elected to represent the Left Wing group from Paris. He advised at the meeting that his trip was financed by CP USA.
>>>>

Corsi and Swett cite an appeal letter written by Hubbard April 20, 1971, demonstrating the strong coordination between Vietnam Veterans Against the War and People's Coalition for Peace and Justice.

Addressed from the offices of the VVAW in Washington, D.C., the letter is an appeal to VVAW members to provide assistance to the PCPJ. It discusses several ways in which the two organizations have worked closely together:
<<<<

This is an appeal for help for the Peoples Coalition for Peace and Justice. Over the past months the Peoples Coalition has supported the Vietnam Vets Against the War in many ways. The Coalition has made office space available at no charge, and permitted the use of all necessary office equipment such as mimeograph machines, stencil-making machines, folders and typewriters. They have loaned us cars, bullhorns, and public address equipment. Their staff has taken messages for us and joined fraternally in building our progress. Now we can return this support.

Saturday, April 24, the Coalition needs help collecting money and selling buttons at the great march and rally. Collectors and sellers must be energetic and determined. Theree will be security problems in taking large amounts of money to banks. The Coalition needs people power, hundreds of workers.

I earnestly hope that you will come forward to support our friends in this emergency.
>>>>

Two days after Hubbard's letter was written, Kerry told Sen. William Fulbright's Foreign Relations Committee American military in Vietnam were committing war crimes in the manner of Genghis Khan.

The event referred to in the letter was PCPJ's massive April 24 demonstration in Washington that followed the VVAW's Dewey Canyon III protest.