"“These are folks who saw him up close and personal and saw his leadership style,” Matthews said.
“The American people should listen to what these folks are saying because it should be alarming that the people that Trump hired to work for him a first term are saying that he’s unfit to serve for a second term.”
Yet the critics remain a distinct minority."
[...]
Trump’s also got the backing of former acting Director of National Intelligence Richard Grenell, former Interior Secretary and Montana Rep. Ryan Zinke, and Russell Vought, who ran Trump’s Office of Management and Budget.
Vought said in a post on X that Trump is “the only person I trust to take a wrecking ball to the Deep State.”
12yearplan, The “deep state” is real. But it’s not what Trump thinks it is.
"I'm confused 12. If we are supposed to embrace the middle ground/muddle thru that means accepting a lot."
Best to understand the middle ground is a more palatable reality that extremes on either side are. Reality of course is a muddle in many ways. If you crave certainty believe in fate. In a controlling God. That way you don't have any control, no say, so no worries. It's interesting so many who crave certainty are Christians who believe Trump's bs about the deep state. He knows how to tap into peoples fears. Into their insecurities. Into need for certainty. One thing you can be certain of he is a prick. You know that, so when you feel attracted to his "deep state" bs think about what a manipulative s.o.b. Trump is.
"Hysterical Putin Pals Claim the Deep State Took Out Tucker Carlson"
[...]
David Rohde is an editor at the New Yorker and the author of In Deep: The FBI, the CIA, and the Truth About America’s “Deep State .. https://www.amazon.com/Deep-Truth-about-Americas-State/dp/1324003545?ots=1&ascsubtag=[]vx[p]20983205[t]w[r]google.com[d]D .” It’s a fair-minded look at the deep state and the various conspiracy theories surrounding it. The term “deep state,” Rohde argues, has become a way for Trump and his supporters to deflect criticism — but it’s also a real idea that can help us think through some legitimate issues, namely how we consider the limits of presidential power and the nature of government accountability.
I spoke to Rohde by phone about how the “deep state” has evolved into a sprawling conspiracy theory and if he thinks Trump’s complaints about it are at all justified. Ultimately, Rohde believes the “deep state” is both a real thing and a toxic distraction.
[...]
What’s the origin of this term? When did it take on the meaning it has now?
I interviewed Scott for my book, and he used the term “deep state” to describe what liberals typically fear, which is the military-industrial complex. Scott wrote about a sense that the military and defense contractors had driven the country repeatedly into wars and maybe helped fuel 9/11 and the wars that followed. For Scott, it also applied to large financial interests, like Wall Street banks.
[...]
Sean Illing
Could we maybe say that, in the most generous sense possible, the term “deep state” is a way for both sides to describe parts of the government — or forces that interact with government — that aren’t elected or are beyond the conventional checks and balances of our system?
David Rohde
I think that’s fair. But I also think it’s extraordinarily effective political messaging that Trump uses to discredit rivals or people who question him.
His use of it has evolved, too. First, it was a reference to the FBI’s Russia investigation, and then it was extended to the CIA as well. But more recently he declared the Pentagon part of the deep state when some Pentagon officials questioned his defense of a Navy SEAL accused of war crimes. And now, some of Trump’s supporters are absurdly declaring [head of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases] Dr. Fauci part of the deep state as well.
[...]
David Rohde
Most current officials I’ve talked to say they’re trying to do their jobs and keep their heads down and they don’t want to be part of the political brawl. And a lot of them think they’ve been hurt by the outspokenness of people like former FBI Director James Comey and others like him. They think that damages them and makes their job harder.
Sean Illing
How so?
David Rohde
They think it feeds the conspiracy theories Trump and his supporters are spinning up every day. And, to be fair, a lot of them know there was already a lot of distrust of their work after the Ed Snowden leaks [in 2013, Snowden leaked thousands of classified documents about NSA spying programs], and so that’s a cloud hovering over everything. Trump, in his own way, has exploited that lack of trust.
One of the reasons I wrote the book was a 2018 poll that found that more than 70 percent of Americans think that there is a group of unelected officials who secretly influence policy in Washington. Something like 80 percent believe they are being surveilled by the government, and the groups that had the highest belief in this or had the highest fear of this were on the right side of the spectrum.
Sean Illing
Is there a case for a more robust deep state, especially when the power of the American presidency keeps growing? Is it necessarily bad to have an alternative check on the executive?
David Rohde
I don’t think that civil servants should be resisting lawful policies being carried out by elected officials. If a civil servant doesn’t want to work for the Trump administration, they should just quit. A core ideal of our democracy is that there is a mandate that comes with elections every two, four, or six years. That mandate has to mean something. If we start playing this game of allowing unelected officials to intervene when they think it’s necessary, that’s dangerous and unpredictable.
Every president has expressed frustration with Washington when they came into office. Reagan complained about the State Department not wanting to fight communism as aggressively as he did. Barack Obama feared that Pentagon officials were leaking possible numbers for a troop increase in Afghanistan as a way to box him in and force him to send more troops than he wanted to Afghanistan. It’s the way it’s always been.
So I think if it’s a lawful policy or order, civil servants should carry it out.
[...]
Conspiracy-theory encyclopedia Wikispooks is thriving during the coronavirus pandemic, seeing huge traffic gains from search engines
‘They’re not going to f**king succeed’: Top generals feared Trump would attempt a coup after election, according to new book
"Former Trump officials are among the most vocal opponents of returning him to the White House"
By Jamie Gangel, Jeremy Herb, Marshall Cohen, Elizabeth Stuart and Barbara Starr, CNN
Updated 9:03 PM EDT, Wed July 14, 2021
VIDEOs
Washington CNN —
The top US military officer, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs Gen. Mark Milley, was so shaken that then-President Donald Trump and his allies might attempt a coup or take other dangerous or illegal measures after the November election that Milley and other top officials informally planned for different ways to stop Trump, according to excerpts of an upcoming book obtained by CNN.
The book, from Pulitzer Prize-winning Washington Post reporters Carol Leonnig and Philip Rucker, describes how Milley and the other Joint Chiefs discussed a plan to resign, one-by-one, rather than carry out orders from Trump that they considered to be illegal, dangerous or ill-advised.
“It was a kind of Saturday Night Massacre in reverse,” Leonnig and Rucker write.
The book, “I Alone Can Fix It,” scheduled to be released next Tuesday, chronicles Trump’s final year as president, with a behind-the-scenes look at how senior administration officials and Trump’s inner circle navigated his increasingly unhinged behavior after losing the 2020 election .. https://www.cnn.com/2020/11/07/politics/joe-biden-wins-us-presidential-election/index.html .. . The authors interviewed Trump for more than two hours.
The book recounts how for the first time in modern US history the nation’s top military officer, whose role is to advise the president, was preparing for a showdown with the commander in chief because he feared a coup attempt after Trump lost the November election.
The authors explain Milley’s growing concerns that personnel moves that put Trump acolytes in positions of power at the Pentagon after the November 2020 election, including the firing of Defense Secretary Mark Esper and the resignation of Attorney General William Barr, were the sign of something sinister to come.
Milley spoke to friends, lawmakers and colleagues about the threat of a coup, and the Joint Chiefs chairman felt he had to be “on guard” for what might come.
“They may try, but they’re not going to f**king succeed,” Milley told his deputies, according to the authors. “You can’t do this without the military. You can’t do this without the CIA and the FBI. We’re the guys with the guns.”
In the days leading up to January 6, Leonnig and Rucker write, Milley was worried about Trump’s call to action. “Milley told his staff that he believed Trump was stoking unrest, possibly in hopes of an excuse to invoke the Insurrection Act and call out the military.”
Milley viewed Trump as “the classic authoritarian leader with nothing to lose,” the authors write, and he saw parallels between Adolf Hitler’s rhetoric as a victim and savior and Trump’s false claims of election fraud.
“This is a Reichstag moment,” Milley told aides, according to the book. “The gospel of the Führer.”
Ahead of a November pro-Trump “Million MAGA March” to protest the election results, Milley told aides he feared it “could be the modern American equivalent of ‘brownshirts in the streets,’” referring to the pro-Nazi militia .. https://www.yadvashem.org/odot_pdf/Microsoft%20Word%20-%205986.pdf .. that fueled Hitler’s rise to power.
Milley will not publicly address the issues raised in the book, a defense official close to the general told CNN. The official did not dispute that Milley engaged in activities and communications that are not part of the traditional portfolio of a chairman in the final days of Trump’s presidency.
“He’s not going to sit in silence while people try to use the military against Americans,” the official said. So while Milley “tried his hardest to actively stay out of politics,” if the events that occurred brought him into that arena temporarily, “so be it,” the official said.
The official added that the general was not calling Trump a Nazi but felt he had no choice but to respond given his concerns that the rhetoric used by the President and his supporters could lead to such an environment.
Trump on Thursday issued a lengthy statement attacking Milley.
“I never threatened, or spoke about, to anyone, a coup of our Government,” Trump wrote in his statement, adding, “So ridiculous!”
“Sorry to inform you, but an Election is my form of ‘coup,’ and if I was going to do a coup, one of the last people I would want to do it with is General Mark Milley,” Trump continued.
‘This is all real, man’
Rucker and Leonnig interviewed more than 140 sources for the book, though most were given anonymity to speak candidly to reconstruct events and dialogue. Milley is quoted extensively and comes off in a positive light as someone who tried to keep democracy alive because he believed it was on the brink of collapse after receiving a warning one week after the election from an old friend.
“What they are trying to do here is overturn the government,” said the friend, who is not named, according to the authors. “This is all real, man. You are one of the few guys who are standing between us and some really bad stuff.”
Milley’s reputation took a major hit in June 2020, when he joined Trump during his controversial photo-op at St. John’s Church, after federal forces violently dispersed a peaceful crowd of social justice protesters at Lafayette Square outside the White House. To make matters worse, Milley wore camouflage military fatigues throughout the incident. He later apologized .. https://www.cnn.com/2020/06/11/politics/milley-trump-appearance-mistake/index.html , saying, “I should not have been there.”
Mark Milley testifies during a Senate Armed Services Committee hearing on March 4, 2020. Drew Angerer/Getty Images
But behind the scenes, the book says Milley was on the frontlines of trying to protect the country, including an episode where he tried to stop Trump from firing .. https://www.cnn.com/2020/11/12/politics/gop-defend-haspel-trump/index.html .. FBI Director Chris Wray and CIA Director Gina Haspel.
Leonnig and Rucker recount a scene when Milley was with Trump and his top aides in a suite at the Army-Navy football game in December, and publicly confronted White House chief of staff Mark Meadows.
“What’s going on? Are you guys getting rid of Wray or Gina?” Milley asked. “Come on chief. What the hell is going on here? What are you guys doing?”
“Don’t worry about it,” Meadows said. “Just some personnel moves.”
“Just be careful,” Milley responded, which Leonnig and Rucker write was said as a warning that he was watching.
‘That doesn’t make any sense’
The book also sheds new light on Trump’s descent into a dark and isolated vacuum of conspiracy theories and self-serving delusions after he was declared the loser of the 2020 election.
After the January 6 insurrection, the book says Milley held a conference call each day with Meadows and then-Secretary of State Mike Pompeo. Leonnig and Rucker report the officials used the calls to compare notes and “collectively survey the horizon for trouble.”
“The general theme of these calls was, come hell or high water, there will be a peaceful transfer of power on January twentieth,” one senior official told the authors. “We’ve got an aircraft, our landing gear is stuck, we’ve got one engine, and we’re out of fuel. We’ve got to land this bad boy.”
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Mark Milley and US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo arrive for a Presidential Medal of Freedom ceremony for retired four-star Army general Jack Keane in the East Room of the White House March 10, 2020 in Washington, DC. Drew Angerer/Getty Images
Milley told aides he saw the calls as an opportunity to keep tabs on Trump, the authors write.
A second defense official told CNN that Milley and the Joint Chiefs met on both January 7 and 8, with some calling in virtually, to discuss not only what happened at the violent insurrection at the US Capitol but also to discuss their growing worry about the emerging “what if” scenarios.
The second defense official said the “what if” scenarios included everything from dealing with rumored unrest at every state capitol to the possibility Trump didn’t leave office. “What happens if the crazies take over, what do we do?” was the focus of the discussion and essentially what became a mini-wargame to plan for possible scenarios.
There was concern in part about being “ready” because they had seen the slow National Guard response on the Hill on January 6.
If Trump didn’t leave the White House, it was going to be up to Department of Justice, Department of Homeland Security and the US Secret Service to deal with him and related domestic unrest. For the Joint Chiefs, the minute Democratic nominee Joe Biden was sworn in would be it – he would be the commander in chief at that point and Trump would no longer hold power.
The official said that a realistic scenario is none of the chiefs would have resigned. They would have not carried out illegal orders, but they would have made Trump fire them.
Leonnig and Rucker also recount a scene where Pompeo visited Milley at home in the weeks before the election, and the two had a heart-to-heart conversation sitting at the general’s table. Pompeo is quoted as saying, “You know the crazies are taking over,”according to people familiar with the conversation.
The authors write that Pompeo, through a person close to him, denied making the comments attributed to him and said they were not reflective of his views.
The book also contains several striking anecdotes about prominent womenduring the Trump presidency, including GOP Rep. Liz Cheney, House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, German Chancellor Angela Merkel and former first lady Michelle Obama.
The book details a phone call the day after the January 6 insurrection between Milley and Cheney, the Wyoming Republican who has close military ties. Cheney voted to impeach Trump and has been an outspoken critic of his election lies, leading to her ouster from House GOP leadership.
Milley asked Cheney how she was doing.
“That f**king guy Jim Jordan. That son of a b*tch,” Cheney said, according to the book.
Cheney bluntly relayed to Milley what she experienced on the House floor on January 6 while pro-Trump rioters overran police and breached the Capitol building, including a run-in with Jordan, a staunch Trump ally in the House who feverishly tried to overturn the election .. https://www.cnn.com/2020/12/07/politics/house-republicans-trump-biden/index.html .
Cheney described to Milley her exchange with Jordan: “While these maniacs are going through the place, I’m standing in the aisle and he said, ‘We need to get the ladies away from the aisle. Let me help you.’ I smacked his hand away and told him, ‘Get away from me. You f**king did this.’”
‘Crazy,’ ‘dangerous,’ ‘maniac’
The book reveals Pelosi’s private conversations with Milley during this tenuous period. When Trump fired Esper in November, Pelosi was one of several lawmakers who called Milley. “We are all trusting you,” she said. “Remember your oath.”
After the January 6 insurrection, Pelosi told the general she was deeply concerned that a “crazy,” “dangerous” and “maniac” Trump might use nuclear weapons during his final days in office.
“Ma’am, I guarantee you these processes are very good,” Milley reassured her. “There’s not going to be an accidental firing of nuclear weapons.”
“How can you guarantee me?” Pelosi asked.
“Ma’am, there’s a process,” he said. “We will only follow legal orders. We’ll only do things that are legal, ethical, and moral.”
A week after the insurrection, Pelosi led House Democrats’ second impeachment of Trump for inciting the insurrection. In an interview with the authors, Pelosi said she fears another president could try to pick up where Trump left off.
“We might get somebody of his ilk who’s sane, and that would really be dangerous, because it could be somebody who’s smart, who’s strategic, and the rest,” Pelosi said. “This is a slob. He doesn’t believe in science. He doesn’t believe in governance. He’s a snake-oil salesman. And he’s shrewd. Give him credit for his shrewdness.”
‘That b*tch’
The book quotes Trump, who had a strained relationship with Merkel, as telling his advisers during an Oval Office meeting about NATO and the US relationship with Germany, “That b*tch Merkel.”
“‘I know the f**king krauts,’ the president added, using a derogatory term for German soldiers from World War I and World War II,” Leonnig and Rucker write. “Trump then pointed to a framed photograph of his father, Fred Trump, displayed on the table behind the Resolute Desk and said, ‘I was raised by the biggest kraut of them all.’”
Trump, through a spokesman, denied to the authors making these comments.
‘No one has a bigger smile’
After January 6, Milley participated in a drill with military and law enforcement leaders to prepare for the January 20 inauguration of President Joe Biden. Washington was on lockdown over fears that far-right groups like the Proud Boys might try to violently disrupt the transfer of power.
Milley told a group of senior leaders, “Here’s the deal, guys: These guys are Nazis, they’re boogaloo boys, they’re Proud Boys. These are the same people we fought in World War II. We’re going to put a ring of steel around this city and the Nazis aren’t getting in.”
Trump did not attend the inauguration, in a notable break with tradition, and the event went off without incident.
As the inauguration ceremony ended, Kamala Harris, who had just been sworn in as vice president, paused to thank Milley. “We all know what you and some others did,” she said, according to the authors. “Thank you.”
The book ends with Milley describing his relief that there had not been a coup, thinking to himself, “Thank God Almighty, we landed the ship safely.”
Milley expressed his relief in the moments after Biden was sworn in, speaking to the Obamas sitting on the inauguration stage. Michelle Obama asked Milley how he was feeling.
“No one has a bigger smile today than I do,” Milley said, according to Leonnig and Rucker. “You can’t see it under my mask, but I do.”
CNN’s Veronica Stracqualursi contributed to this report.
The presumptive Republican nominee is aligning himself with the rioters and intensifying his use of dark, graphic and at times violent language
By Marianne LeVine, Isaac Arnsdorf and Clara Ence Morse March 23, 2024 at 10:20 a.m. EDT
Donald Trump speaks in support of Bernie Moreno, a Republican running for an Ohio U.S. Senate seat, at the Dayton International Airport in Dayton, Ohio, during a Buckeye Values PAC Rally on March 16. (Andrew Spear for The Washington Post)
Shortly after Donald Trump walked onstage at a recent rally, the voice of an announcer instructed the crowd to rise “for the horribly and unfairly treated January 6th hostages.” Trump saluted, and the loudspeakers blasted a rendition of the national anthem performed by people accused or convicted of crimes .. https://www.washingtonpost.com/investigations/interactive/2023/trump-j6-prison-choir/?itid=lk_inline_manual_2 .. related to the Jan. 6, 2021, riot at the U.S. Capitol.
Trump then kicked off the rally with a promise to help the defendants — a group that includes violent offenders he has glorified as “patriots” and “hostages” and pledged to pardon if he returns to power. “We’re going to be working on that the first day we get into office,” Trump said at the rally this month in Dayton, Ohio.
That vow is part of a broader renewed emphasis by Trump to align himself with Jan. 6 rioters, as he intensifies his use of dark, graphic and at times violent language as he has closed in on and secured the Republican nomination. Until November, he called the Jan. 6 defendants, some of whom have been detained by court order or are serving sentences, “political prisoners .. https://www.washingtonpost.com/national-security/2024/01/06/trump-jan-6-rewrite-presidential-election/?itid=lk_inline_manual_5 ” before introducing the term “hostages,” according to a Washington Post analysis of his speeches this campaign cycle.
[Interactive column graph.]
The analysis also showed an uptick in his references to Jan. 6 defendants, as well as the word “criminals,” which Trump has used to describe prosecutors, political opponents, the press and undocumented immigrants.
The escalation overlaps with his own mounting legal jeopardy — a more than $450 million bond his lawyers say he has been unable to finance, while he appeals a civil fraud verdict against his businesses, and four separate criminal cases .. https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/interactive/2023/trump-investigations-indictments/?itid=lk_inline_manual_10 .. charging him with paying hush money to an adult film actress, mishandling classified documents, and interfering with the 2020 election results.
“Every time there is a big event that is ‘negative Trump lawsuit,’ he’ll do something to distract attention from that,” said Kim Lane Scheppele, a professor at Princeton University who studies the rise and fall of constitutional government. “These outbursts with language that’s just unacceptable in U.S. politics happen when he is under pressure.”
While Trump quickly secured the GOP nomination, defeating his rivals by wide margins in early contests and driving them to withdraw from the race, some Republicans are voicing concerns that his misrepresentations of the Jan. 6 attack and the people involved could weaken him with general election voters.
“It’s not the way that I would talk about it. I was there,” Sen. Mike Rounds (R-S.D.), who endorsed Sen. Tim Scott (R-S.C.) in the primary, said of Jan. 6. “We want to broaden our support, we want to broaden, at least that’s the way I would look at it.” Rounds added that Trump is “probably not going to take my advice.”
On Friday, Trump on social media promoted a flier for the nightly vigil outside the Washington jail supporting Jan. 6 defendants housed there, led by the mother of slain rioter Ashli Babbitt. Babbitt’s mother, Micki Witthoeft, said at Wednesday’s vigil that Trump called her that day about “setting these guys free when he gets in.” She added, in remarks that were live-streamed online: “He said to pass that on to the guys inside that they’re on his mind, and when he gets in they’ll get out.”
A supporter wearing a shirt featuring the mug shot of former president Donald Trump recites the Pledge of Allegiance during a rally at the Greensboro Coliseum in Greensboro, N.C., on March 2. (Scott Muthersbaugh for The Washington Post)
Trump campaign spokeswoman Karoline Leavitt drew a connection between the prosecutions of Trump and his supporters. Local authorities brought two of the cases against Trump with no evidence of coordination, and a special counsel acting independently of the White House brought the two federal cases against him. Asked in an email whom Trump was referring to when talking about “hostages” and promises of pardons, Leavitt did not directly answer.
“President Trump will restore justice for all Americas who have been unfairly treated by Joe Biden’s two-tier system of justice,” she said.
Since January, Trump has made reference to Jan. 6 “hostages” more frequently at his rallies, mentioning the term so far at every rally this month, the Post analysis showed. He has advanced other arguments that have also alarmed experts and critics.
Dating back to November, Trump has sought to portray Biden as a “threat to democracy,” seeking to turn the tables .. https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/2023/12/02/trump-speech-authoritarian-criticism-biden/?itid=lk_inline_manual_27 .. on Democrats’ arguments against him and concerns among some experts that a second term would be more extreme than his first. He used the phrase in most of his speeches in January, and in every speech in February and March, according to the Post analysis. He has also increasingly used the word “criminal” more at each rally — up to eight times a rally on average in March.
Trump opened his first 2024 campaign rally in Waco, Texas, last year, while saluting to the song with Jan. 6 defendants titled “Justice for All.” He routinely plays it on the patio at Mar-a-Lago, according to a person familiar with the matter, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to talk about private interactions. Trump played it at Mar-a-Lago the night he was arraigned last spring in New York. He also saluted to the song at a November 2023 rally in Houston.
At a recent rally in Greensboro, N.C., Trump discussed his legal problems in similar terms to how he has described people charged with or convicted of crimes related to Jan. 6. “I stand before you today not only as your past and hopefully future president, but as a proud political dissident and as a public enemy of a rogue regime,” he said.
“The J6 hostages, I call them because they’re hostages,” he added at the same rally. “They’re put in jail for extended periods of time, for very long periods of time. They’re hostages. You heard them singing. You heard the spirit that they have, the spirit is unbelievable. That song became the number one song.”
A supporter prays during a rally featuring Republican presidential candidate and former president Donald Trump at the Greensboro Coliseum in Greensboro, N.C., on March 2. (Scott Muthersbaugh for The Washington Post)
Although the cause of Jan. 6 defendants has become popular in the MAGA movement and among Trump-aligned Republican officials, others who condemned him after a pro-Trump mob stormed the U.S. Capitol criticized his use of that term or avoided the topic altogether. Asked this past week if it was appropriate for Trump to call the defendants “hostages” or “patriots,” Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.), who recently endorsed Trump, replied: “I’m going to avoid talking about the presidential election.”
A Washington Post-University of Maryland poll in December found that 58 percent of Americans said protesters entering the U.S. Capitol threatened democracy, compared to 12 percent who said they defended democracy. Fifty percent categorized the protesters as “mostly violent,” while 28 percent said they were “equally peaceful and violent” and another 21 percent said they were “mostly peaceful.” The poll also found that 72 percent of Americans say punishments of people who broke into the U.S. Capitol have been fair, though that declined from 78 percent in 2021. (A smaller majority of Republicans said the punishments were fair.)
A Post analysis .. https://www.washingtonpost.com/dc-md-va/2024/01/05/january-6-riot-sentences/?itid=lk_inline_manual_38 .. published on the third anniversary of the attack found that federal judges have sentenced more than half of the roughly 1,200 people charged with breaking the law on Jan. 6. For nearly every defendant convicted of a felony, judges ordered prison time. About half of those convicted of misdemeanors received some jail time. The Post found that in the vast majority of the sentences up until that point, judges issued punishments below government guidelines and prosecutors’ requests.
“Calling them hostages is offensive in the extreme,” said Sen. Mitt Romney (R-Utah), who voted to convict Trump twice in his impeachment trials. “He says outrageous things day after day and people just get used to it and dismiss it as being him the way he is.”
Scott Clement and Rachel Weiner contributed to this report.
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