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Amaunet

04/19/06 10:26 PM

#7365 RE: Ace Hanlon #7363

For all sides, talk is crucial. Nuclear weapons - in anyone's hands - are a nightmare that should be abolished once and for all, as the now-fading Non-Proliferation Treaty anticipated so many years ago.

And in a move first reported by the Financial Times but still shrouded in mystery, Mohammad Nahavandian, a senior aide to Ali Larijani, the secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council who also serves as the regime's chief negotiator on nuclear issues, quietly visited Washington this month, apparently, according to some sources, in hopes of establishing a back channel to the US administration.

Although US officials initially denied any knowledge of his presence, one source said this week that it prompted inter-agency consultations that ended when Cheney's office rejected the idea of meeting with him on the grounds that it would be a "sign of weakness". That account, however, could not be confirmed.


-Am

Iran: Cooler heads urge Bush to talk
By Jim Lobe

Apr 20, 2006

WASHINGTON - Amid a new escalation in threats between the United States and Iran over Tehran's nuclear program, some prominent US Republicans are calling for President George W Bush to engage Tehran in direct talks.

At the same time, indications that Tehran may itself be hoping to engage Washington have been growing steadily, despite the incendiary rhetoric of President Mahmud Ahmadinejad directed primarily against Israel, which Bush has pledged to defend.

Whether moderate voices in both capitals, as well as similar urgings by foreign powers that are increasingly worried about the regional and global repercussions of a possible US attack on Iran, will prevail remains very uncertain, particularly given their history of mutual demonization since the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

The current heated rhetoric between the the two countries makes the possibility of their sitting down together to negotiate all outstanding issues - along the lines of a much-talked-about "grand bargain" several years ago - appear more remote than ever.

Indeed, the rhetoric appeared to get even more heated on Tuesday when Bush was asked explicitly about recently published reports that the United States is planning for a possible nuclear strike against targets in Iran. He refused to rule it out, even as he stressed that his administration wants "to solve this issue diplomatically, and we're working hard to do so".

"All options are on the table," he declared in what one expert described as a virtually unprecedented threat by a US president to use nuclear weapons against a non-nuclear state.

Bush's remarks followed a threat voiced earlier Tuesday by Ahmadinejad during an annual military parade. The Iranian army, he said, "will cut off the hands of any aggressors and will make any aggressor regret it".

In spite of the by now well-established cycle of threat and counter-threat, however, cooler heads from within ruling circles on both sides are raising their voices, particularly in the wake of alarming - though still unconfirmed - reports this month that US military planning for attacks, including nuclear strikes, against Iran has moved beyond the contingency phase.

Last week, for example, two former senior State Department officials who served during Bush's first term came out in favor of comprehensive negotiations with Tehran.

In a column published by London's Financial Times, Richard Haass, who served as director of the department's Policy Planning Office and was a top Middle East adviser to then secretary of state Colin Powell from 2001 until 2003, argued that an attack, particularly with nuclear weapons, would prove counter-productive to a range of US interests and called for direct talks with Iran.

"Given [the] potential high costs [of an attack], Washington should be searching harder for a diplomatic alternative, one that entails direct US talks with Iran beyond the narrow dialogue announced on Iraq," wrote Haass, the current president of the influential Council on Foreign Relations, in reference to Bush's decision this year to authorize Ambassador Zalmay Khalilzad to engage Iran in talks strictly limited to Iraq.

A possible deal, he went on, would permit Iran to retain a small, heavily monitored uranium-enrichment program, in return for which it "would receive a range of economic benefits, security guarantees and political dialogue".

Washington would have nothing to lose from such an exercise, said Haass, who also served as the top Middle East aide to former president George H W Bush during the first Gulf War. "Presenting a fair and generous offer would ... make it easier to rally international support for escalation against Iran if diplomacy is rebuffed," he argued.

Haass's suggestions were echoed the next day by former deputy secretary of state Richard Armitage, who told the Financial Times that he too favored comprehensive talks with Iran. Though he left the administration when Powell resigned, Armitage has long been a personal favorite of Bush and is considered a leading candidate to succeed Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld if he resigns or is forced out.

"It merits talking to the Iranians about the full range of our relationship ... everything from energy to terrorism to weapons to Iraq," Armitage said, adding that Washington could afford to be patient "for a while" because Tehran is still at least several years from obtaining a nuclear device.

On Sunday, the long-standing Republican chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Richard Lugar, also weighed in on a popular public-affairs television program, the American Broadcasting Co's This Week.

"I think that would be useful," he said when asked about the possibility of direct talks. He added that Washington should engage Iran about its role as a major energy exporter in particular, suggesting that the two countries have interests in common. "There are issues there," he said, "which, ironically, we may come out on the same side with some of the Iranians."

While none of the three is considered part of Bush's inner circle, their views are taken seriously by many Republicans on Capitol Hill, particularly given the growing concern among the party's lawmakers that the situation in Iraq may cost it control of one or even both houses of Congress in the November elections.

"'Realists' like Armitage and Lugar have been vindicated by [events in] Iraq, so their credibility has risen at the same time that of Bush and [Vice President Dick] Cheney keeps falling," said one congressional aide whose boss is a Republican. "People are much more receptive to their views now even if they're still hesitant about speaking out."

Pro-dialogue forces also appear to be active in Tehran, even if they can hardly be heard over the more radical Ahmadinejad, who, despite his limited authority in foreign policy and the nuclear program, is largely depicted in the US media as the public face of Iran.

Thus former president Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, who was defeated by Ahmadinejad in last year's run-off elections but who nonetheless retains key posts in the regime, said just last week that the proposed talks between Iran and the US over Iraq could lead to a more comprehensive dialogue. He also reportedly asked Saudi Arabia to help mediate between Tehran and Washington.

And in a move first reported by the Financial Times but still shrouded in mystery, Mohammad Nahavandian, a senior aide to Ali Larijani, the secretary of Iran's Supreme National Security Council who also serves as the regime's chief negotiator on nuclear issues, quietly visited Washington this month, apparently, according to some sources, in hopes of establishing a back channel to the US administration.

Although US officials initially denied any knowledge of his presence, one source said this week that it prompted inter-agency consultations that ended when Cheney's office rejected the idea of meeting with him on the grounds that it would be a "sign of weakness". That account, however, could not be confirmed.

(Inter Press Service)



http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Middle_East/HD20Ak01.html

















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Amaunet

04/20/06 12:50 AM

#7366 RE: Ace Hanlon #7363

Russia not to take sides in possible U.S. war against Iran: official

UPDATED: 07:53, April 20, 2006

Russia will maintain neutrality in a possible armed conflict between Iran and the United States, Chief of General Staff of the Russian Armed Forces and First Deputy Defense Minister Yuri Baluyevsky said on Wednesday.

"Unequivocally, and I'm saying it as chief of the General Staff, Russia will not be offering the use of its armed forces on either side," Baluyevsky was quoted by the Itar-Tass news agency as saying.

He called for resolving the Iranian nuclear problems through negotiations.

"A diplomatic solution of the Iranian nuclear problem is the only right path; one should walk on it, the nuclear problem should be resolved under strict control by the International Atomic Energy Agency," Baluyevsky said.

According to Baluyevsky, a military solution of the Iranian problem will be "a big political and military error."

"We are very well aware of the balance of forces between the United States and Iran, but I repeat -- a war is not the way one has to choose," Baluyevsky stated.

He reminded about the statement made by the Iranian army chief of staff that "Iran does not plan to create the nuclear weapon, and the system of control over nonproliferation of weapons of mass destruction and missile technologies exists and demonstrates its effectiveness."

Source: Xinhua



http://english.people.com.cn/200604/20/eng20060420_259623.html
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otraque

04/20/06 12:00 PM

#7374 RE: Ace Hanlon #7363

'Overthrow: America's Century of Regime Change From Hawaii to Iraq,' by Stephen Kinzer
Depose and Conquer
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By ANATOL LIEVEN
Published: April 16, 2006
A senior member of a Washington research group once told me that he "could not believe" that the United States would ever help the Pakistani military overthrow a democratically elected government in Pakistan if that government refused to help in the war on terror. Now there's a man who really needs to read the latest book by the former New York Times correspondent Stephen Kinzer. "Overthrow" is the history of forcible regime changes by the United States and its local allies over the past 110 years, starting with the undermining of the Hawaiian monarchy in 1893, passing through Cuba (1898), the Philippines (1898), Iran (1953), Guatemala (1954) and elsewhere, and ending with present-day Iraq.

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Deborah Donnelley
Stephen Kinzer.

OVERTHROW
America's Century of Regime Change From Hawaii to Iraq.
By Stephen Kinzer.

Illustrated. 384 pp. Times Books/Henry Holt & Company. $27.50.


Kinzer has written a detailed, passionate and convincing book, several chapters of which have the pace and grip of a good thriller. It should be essential reading for any Americans who wish to understand both their country's historical record in international affairs, and why that record has provoked anger and distrust in much of the world. Most important, it helps explain why, outside of Eastern Europe, American pronouncements about spreading democracy and freedom, as repeatedly employed by the Bush administration, are met with widespread incredulity.

What's most depressing about Kinzer's book, however, is not the drastic clash it describes between professed American morality and actual American behavior. For, after all, the historical record of other democratic imperial powers, like Britain and France, has been even worse than that of the United States. Operating in the real world as a great power is not a business for the overly fastidious.

But if you are going to use the argument that making a successful geopolitical omelet requires breaking eggs, you'd better have something edible to show for all the shattered shells lying around. As Kinzer makes clear, the problem is that all too many of the interventions he recounts were not just utterly ruthless; they were utterly unnecessary.

It should have been obvious that the damage to the countries concerned was likely to be out of all proportion to the possible gains to the United States. But during the cold war, ignorant and ideological official cliques in Washington repeatedly convinced themselves that "you are with us or you are against us," and that a range of nationalist governments around the world, anti-American to a greater or lesser degree, were part of the Soviet global conspiracy and had to be destroyed.

In several cases, while the coups themselves were highly successful, the long-term results proved disastrous — not just for America's reputation abroad but for American interests as well. That was true, for example, of the C.I.A.'s overthrow of the democratic nationalist prime minister of Iran, Mohammed Mossadegh — accused quite falsely of being pro-Communist — and the restoration of autocratic rule by the shah.

That operation, run by Kermit Roosevelt (Teddy Roosevelt's grandson) was brilliantly executed, bringing about Mossadegh's downfall even after the shah himself had lost his nerve and fled to Italy. But as a result, the role of opposition to the shah was assumed by religious fundamentalists, and ended in the disastrous revolution of 1979. The deep Iranian popular fear of the United States that was fed by the 1953 coup continues to haunt American-Iranian relations to this day.

In the case of Cuba, the decision in 1898 to betray the Cuban rebels against Spain and impose American hegemony on the island fueled an anti-American nationalism that continues to preserve the Communist regime. Mass support for governments like those of Castro and Hugo Chávez of Venezuela has also been fed by other American interventions in the region.

Of these, the ugliest was the overthrow of the democratic socialist government of Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán in Guatemala in 1954 and its replacement by a military dictatorship representing the interests of the local oligarchy and the United Fruit Company. The result was a genuinely Communist insurrection and a savage American-backed military campaign of repression that cost the lives of more than 100,000 Maya Indians — something that in other circumstances would certainly have been described in the United States as genocide.

I must confess that I put down this fine book with a feeling of deep disheartenment. For what, after all, is the point of such meticulously reported studies if the American public is repeatedly going to wipe such episodes from its collective consciousness, and the American establishment is going to make similar mistakes over and over again, first in the cold war and now in the "war on terror" — each time covering its actions with the same rhetoric of spreading "freedom" and combating "evil"?

As Kinzer writes of the Iranian hostage crisis, "because most Americans did not know what the United States had done to Iran in 1953, few had any idea why Iranians were so angry at the country they called 'the great Satan.' " They still don't.>>
**************************************************************
Anatol Lieven(reviewer) is a senior research fellow at the New America Foundation in Washington. His latest book is "America Right or Wrong: An Anatomy of American Nationalism."

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otraque

04/20/06 12:06 PM

#7375 RE: Ace Hanlon #7363

Still offline--this via my wife's computer.
Know you you know a great deal about this history already GC.
But refressing to see a new publication revealing how far back in history the great lie our virtue in FP goes.
i am waiting for a Video-Card to be delivered via UPS, and then hope i got the right type:)