Sunday, December 12, 2021 5:57:09 PM
We evolve. People change. It's mix-n-match "all the above" sometimes, and in places,
and combinations of more or less of any of them in different places at different times.
You could be looking for packaged answers which don't exist.
See also for no reason other than they are ones i came across
in a "revolutionary war" search, and felt like reading them again:
If we take human history on form
https://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=164644231
Nobel Peace Prize winners warn of growing disinformation threat
https://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=167090731
2017 - Should Washington and Jefferson monuments come down?
https://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=156502793
Everything You Know About Global Order Is Wrong
[...]
What history actually suggests is that order tends to emerge not from cooperation and deliberation but from a cruder calculus of power and material constraints.
[...]
The reality of the liberal order that supposedly came into existence in the postwar moment was the more or less haphazard continuation of wartime controls.
https://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=146514061
America Has Never Been So Ripe for Tyranny
By Andrew Sullivan
May 1, 2016 9:00 p.m.
Democracies end
when they are too democratic.
And right now, America is a breeding ground for tyranny.
[...]
This rainbow-flag polity, Plato argues, is, for many people, the fairest of regimes. The freedom in that democracy has to be experienced to be believed — with shame and privilege in particular emerging over time as anathema. But it is inherently unstable. As the authority of elites fades, as Establishment values cede to popular ones, views and identities can become so magnificently diverse as to be mutually uncomprehending. And when all the barriers to equality, formal and informal, have been removed; when everyone is equal; when elites are despised and full license is established to do “whatever one wants,” you arrive at what might be called late-stage democracy. There is no kowtowing to authority here, let alone to political experience or expertise.
P - The very rich come under attack, as inequality becomes increasingly intolerable. Patriarchy is also dismantled: “We almost forgot to mention the extent of the law of equality and of freedom in the relations of women with men and men with women.” Family hierarchies are inverted: “A father habituates himself to be like his child and fear his sons, and a son habituates himself to be like his father and to have no shame before or fear of his parents.” In classrooms, “as the teacher ... is frightened of the pupils and fawns on them, so the students make light of their teachers.” Animals are regarded as equal to humans; the rich mingle freely with the poor in the streets and try to blend in. The foreigner is equal to the citizen.
[...]
Mass movements, Hoffer argues, are distinguished by a “facility for make-believe … credulity, a readiness to attempt the impossible.” What, one wonders, could be more impossible than suddenly vetting every single visitor to the U.S. for traces of Islamic belief? What could be more make-believe than a big, beautiful wall stretching across the entire Mexican border, paid for by the Mexican government? What could be more credulous than arguing that we could pay off our national debt through a global trade war? In a conventional political party, and in a rational political discourse, such ideas would be laughed out of contention, their self-evident impossibility disqualifying them from serious consideration. In the emotional fervor of a democratic mass movement, however, these impossibilities become icons of hope, symbols of a new way of conducting politics. Their very impossibility is their appeal.
P - But the most powerful engine for such a movement — the thing that gets it off the ground, shapes and solidifies and entrenches it — is always the evocation of hatred. It is, as Hoffer put it, “the most accessible and comprehensive of all unifying elements.” And so Trump launched his campaign .. http://nymag.com/daily/intelligencer/2016/04/inside-the-donald-trump-presidential-campaign.html .. by calling undocumented Mexican immigrants a population largely of rapists and murderers. He moved on to Muslims, both at home and abroad. He has now added to these enemies — with sly brilliance — the Republican Establishment itself. And what makes Trump uniquely dangerous in the history of American politics — with far broader national appeal than, say, Huey Long or George Wallace — is his response to all three enemies. It’s the threat of blunt coercion and dominance.
https://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=125193388
and combinations of more or less of any of them in different places at different times.
You could be looking for packaged answers which don't exist.
See also for no reason other than they are ones i came across
in a "revolutionary war" search, and felt like reading them again:
If we take human history on form
https://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=164644231
Nobel Peace Prize winners warn of growing disinformation threat
https://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=167090731
2017 - Should Washington and Jefferson monuments come down?
https://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=156502793
Everything You Know About Global Order Is Wrong
[...]
What history actually suggests is that order tends to emerge not from cooperation and deliberation but from a cruder calculus of power and material constraints.
[...]
The reality of the liberal order that supposedly came into existence in the postwar moment was the more or less haphazard continuation of wartime controls.
https://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=146514061
America Has Never Been So Ripe for Tyranny
By Andrew Sullivan
May 1, 2016 9:00 p.m.
Democracies end
when they are too democratic.
And right now, America is a breeding ground for tyranny.
[...]
This rainbow-flag polity, Plato argues, is, for many people, the fairest of regimes. The freedom in that democracy has to be experienced to be believed — with shame and privilege in particular emerging over time as anathema. But it is inherently unstable. As the authority of elites fades, as Establishment values cede to popular ones, views and identities can become so magnificently diverse as to be mutually uncomprehending. And when all the barriers to equality, formal and informal, have been removed; when everyone is equal; when elites are despised and full license is established to do “whatever one wants,” you arrive at what might be called late-stage democracy. There is no kowtowing to authority here, let alone to political experience or expertise.
P - The very rich come under attack, as inequality becomes increasingly intolerable. Patriarchy is also dismantled: “We almost forgot to mention the extent of the law of equality and of freedom in the relations of women with men and men with women.” Family hierarchies are inverted: “A father habituates himself to be like his child and fear his sons, and a son habituates himself to be like his father and to have no shame before or fear of his parents.” In classrooms, “as the teacher ... is frightened of the pupils and fawns on them, so the students make light of their teachers.” Animals are regarded as equal to humans; the rich mingle freely with the poor in the streets and try to blend in. The foreigner is equal to the citizen.
[...]
Mass movements, Hoffer argues, are distinguished by a “facility for make-believe … credulity, a readiness to attempt the impossible.” What, one wonders, could be more impossible than suddenly vetting every single visitor to the U.S. for traces of Islamic belief? What could be more make-believe than a big, beautiful wall stretching across the entire Mexican border, paid for by the Mexican government? What could be more credulous than arguing that we could pay off our national debt through a global trade war? In a conventional political party, and in a rational political discourse, such ideas would be laughed out of contention, their self-evident impossibility disqualifying them from serious consideration. In the emotional fervor of a democratic mass movement, however, these impossibilities become icons of hope, symbols of a new way of conducting politics. Their very impossibility is their appeal.
P - But the most powerful engine for such a movement — the thing that gets it off the ground, shapes and solidifies and entrenches it — is always the evocation of hatred. It is, as Hoffer put it, “the most accessible and comprehensive of all unifying elements.” And so Trump launched his campaign .. http://nymag.com/daily/intelligencer/2016/04/inside-the-donald-trump-presidential-campaign.html .. by calling undocumented Mexican immigrants a population largely of rapists and murderers. He moved on to Muslims, both at home and abroad. He has now added to these enemies — with sly brilliance — the Republican Establishment itself. And what makes Trump uniquely dangerous in the history of American politics — with far broader national appeal than, say, Huey Long or George Wallace — is his response to all three enemies. It’s the threat of blunt coercion and dominance.
https://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=125193388
It was Plato who said, “He, O men, is the wisest, who like Socrates, knows that his wisdom is in truth worth nothing”
Unleash the power of Level 2
Spot liquidity moves with access to US order books.
