How Sanders and Warren Will Decide Which One Runs for President
The two senators are natural allies. But when it comes to 2020, each side’s camp believes the Democratic primary is only big enough for one of them.
David Catanese Aug 28, 2018
Alex Wong / Chip Somodevilla / Getty / Thanh Do / The Atlantic
It was April 2014 and Bernie Sanders was seriously pondering the notion of diving into the 2016 presidential race. But as the senator from Vermont huddled with his advisers inside a Capitol Hill townhouse one balmy Wednesday evening, he wondered if he could compete against a political heavyweight on the ascent.
The woman he dreaded running against was being recruited by liberals across the country. Petitions were being drafted and signed en masse. Professional progressive leaders were prodding, coaxing, and tempting her. The country was “ready” for her candidacy, they pleaded.
But Elizabeth Warren was repeatedly adamant in her public professions: She wasn’t interested.
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On the Hill, their reputations diverge. Unlike Sanders, Warren has made a concerted effort to co-sponsor legislation with Republicans. In recent months, she’s partnered with Senator Cory Gardner of Colorado on marijuana, Senator Thom Tillis of North Carolina on predatory lending, and Senator Steve Daines of Montana on National Guard pay.
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“In general, I have found [Sanders’s] legislative proposals to be more prophetic than pragmatic, and I see Senator Warren trying hard to sort of dig into details and learn how to do blocking and tackling and advancing things,” says Senator Chris Coons, a moderate Democrat from Delaware. “She’s done bills with Senator [John] Cornyn for example,” referring to the conservative majority whip. “I’d be surprised if Senator Sanders has done bills with Senator Cornyn.”
Even on economic policy—their bread and butter—Warren and Sanders disagree on some of the fundamentals. Sanders has famously decried capitalism, describing it in a 2016 primary debate as “a process by which so few have so much and so many have so little.” Despite her fiery anti-corporate rhetoric, Warren remains a capitalist; in a recent MSNBC appearance, she said, “I believe in markets right down to my toes.”
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Last time around, Sanders’s team instructed him that the quicker he moved, the faster he would stomp out the Draft Warren movement. Now they are urging an even earlier entry, “to cut off the lure to get her in.” The message to Sanders from one aide, “Be in the race by early 2019.”
For Warren, it’s not about money—she’ll have it. It’s not a question of core beliefs or message—she’s got them both. The women’s vote has never been hungrier. She’s positioned to swoop it up.
As her team strategizes about the future, the single greatest question they’ll confront is actually quite simple: How badly does she want to be president?