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The Old Guard Under Investigation
Knight Trading Group Board Member Anthony M. Sanfilippo Resigns From Board of Directors
JERSEY CITY, N.J. - PRNewswire-FirstCall - Feb. 10
JERSEY CITY, N.J., Feb. 10 /PRNewswire-FirstCall/ -- Knight Trading Group, Inc. today announced that Anthony M. Sanfilippo, a member of Knight's Board of Directors, will resign from his Board position, effective immediately.
Mr. Sanfilippo, 47, joined Knight in 1997. He served as an executive of the company until his previously announced resignation as a company officer in June of 2003, and has served on Knight's Board of Directors since the company's initial public offering in May 1998.
Knight is focused on meeting the needs of institutional and broker-dealer clients by providing comprehensive trade execution services in cash equities and options. A leading execution specialist, Knight offers capital commitment and access to a deep pool of liquidity across the depth and breadth of the market as it strives to provide superior client service. Knight also maintains a $1.6 billion asset management business for institutions and high net worth individuals. More information about Knight can be obtained at http://www.knighttradinggroup.com/.
Certain statements contained herein constitute "forward-looking statements" within the meaning of the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995. These forward-looking statements are based on current expectations, estimates and projections about the Company's industry, management's beliefs and certain assumptions made by management. Readers are cautioned that any such forward-looking statements are not guarantees of future performance and are subject to certain risks, uncertainties and assumptions that are difficult to predict. Since such statements involve risks and uncertainties, the actual results and performance of the Company may turn out to be materially different from the results expressed or implied by such forward-looking statements. Given these uncertainties, readers are cautioned not to place undue reliance on such forward-looking statements. Unless otherwise required by law, the Company also disclaims any obligation to update its view of any such risks or uncertainties or to announce publicly the result of any revisions to the forward-looking statements made herein; however, readers should carefully review reports or documents the Company files from time to time with the Securities and Exchange Commission.
Knight Trading Group, Inc.
Web site: http://www.knighttradinggroup.com/
Knight has been focused on meeting its own needs for almost a decade, but now faces greater government scrutiny as former employees and Directors are forced to come forward and blow the whistle!
Let the war of words begin!
I have not been watching NITE lately, but it looks like they are at the beginning stages of a meltdown:
http://www.investorshub.com/boards/read_msg.asp?message_id=2597527
Penny King Predicts Knight Trading will be merged out of Existence to prevent a collapse of the stock market!
Based on this story:
Knight Trading served with Wells notice
Knight Trading Group Inc, a market-maker for Nasdaq stocks, and its former chief executive received notices from federal regulators that civil charges may be filed against them for securities violations.
The Securities and Exchange Commission issued a Wells notice to the Jersey City, N.J.-based firm and its former CEO Kenneth Pasternak, who retired in January 2002. Wells notices give the recipients a chance to respond before formal charges are filed.
The SEC and the National Association of Securities Dealers began investigating Knight's activities in June 2003, after an ex-employee filed an arbitration claim against the securities firm. The claim alleged illegal front-running-trading that takes advantage of inside knowledge that an investor is planning to make a significant move in a particular stock. The timeframe under investigation is 1999 through 2001.
The company was unavailable for immediate comment.
And the fact that Knight has the largest outstanding naked short positions on over 3,000 stocks which will need to be covered come April 1, 2004 according to new NASD rules, Knights days appear to be numbered.
There are 37 million pages of documents available through various law firms in the United States that documents SEC negligence on the naked short selling issue.
"Never doubt for a moment that a small group of people can change the world. Indeed, it is the only thing that ever has!"
US Economy weak points:
Employment
Inflation-deflation
Potential Student Revolt
Mounting Gasoline Prices at the Pump
Banking Boycotts
Credit Card Boycotts
Public Demonstrations
Banking Panic Causing Massive Withdrawals of money.
Foreign intervention against American arrogance in currency markets.
Collapse of the US Dollar
Political Impeachments
Non violent mass movement against Bush and Greenspan!
A half point rise in rates would trigger a collapse in the housing and auto markets.
$3.9 trillion in home loans were refinanced by Americans in 2003. What are they going to do as a patriotic encore in 2004?
Due Dilinger only believes in the First Amendment when it applies to him, not when it applies to others! He has an inalienable right to libel people he doesn't even know!
I have everything I ever wanted to know about Mr. Bernstein of Schlock Patrol but didn't have the time to task until recently. I sure hope he has a huge legal defense slush fund laying around! This story is going to make the Wall Street Journal in my honest opinion, despite his writer friends there!
I think its time to collapse the American economy, what do you think? Do you think something like that can be caused by one person?
That post is not of my doing or writing so I don't know why you are ass-uming things like you normally do. Word on the street is that you will be getting some people knocking down your doors pretty soon burying you with paperwork so I hope you have a good legal defense fund set aside to cover your ass-umptions. I unblocked you from sending PM's so if you want more info feel free to PM. Let the whole world know that you have been having communications with the Penny King for some time now and your posts on Raging Bull are just that, a bunch of bull! Someone says you and Stock Patrol are one and the same! That is very nice to know but only if its factual.
He just wrote a new book called: The Bubble of American Supremacy which I am half way through reading! You can find more info on him at www.soros.org.
g!
Looks like Penny King Holdings is waiting for the court to grant a default judgement against it by the SEC after which it plans to go after Quintek to recover its losses and legal fees in the case. I don't think Quintek can handle or defend an $8 million suit from PKH for screwing up that Hungarian deal. I doubt they could even come up with $80,000 to indemnify PKH for its defense expenses as was stated in previous agreements by and between Tom Sims and PKH. What do you think? I wouldn't know why management pays so much for IR, I think they are planning on increasing the number of shares and diluting existing stockholders just like EKnowledge did. I think QTEK is heading for a rude awakening! The Penny King is not at all happy with QTEK at this point. Especially since Sims and Saunders became turncoats.
Some are calling for Bush Impeachment and Greenspan Resignation before November
A list of charges is being drawn up!
"The United States Government is the largest landlord in the world"
G! Alex Gabor, from "50 Ways to Leave Your Landlord".
TAX REPORT
By TOM HERMAN
States Join Forces To Combat Tax Shelters
Effort Will Target Individuals
Who Misuse Partnerships,
Trusts, Offshore Accounts
Some 37 states, including California and New York, are set to intensify their crackdown on tax shelters and a range of other tax-dodging transactions.
Officials in these states plus New York City and Washington, D.C., will agree Thursday on a new pact to trade more information about the types of tax shelters they are encountering as well as names of individual taxpayers and promoters involved in them. They are also planning to increase coordination of audits and other enforcement activities, and to work more closely with the Internal Revenue Service in the process.
California, which has been facing major budget problems, is among those leading the charge against shelters. Officials in Sacramento estimate they lose from $600 million to $1 billion in tax money each year because of transactions that typically have no real economic purpose except to cut taxes.
The new agreement is the latest in a series of crackdowns by states and the IRS. Last month, the IRS said it had started sharing leads with most states, New York City and Washington, D.C., on more than 20,000 taxpayers engaged in "abusive tax avoidance."
The newest assault increases the odds that individual taxpayers -- particularly high-income people who sign up for complex shelters designed by accountants and tax lawyers -- will owe taxes, interest and possibly penalties. Among those being targeted are wealthy individuals who have sold their businesses and who have sizeable capital gains they are seeking to shelter. States are also going after people who set up trusts both in the U.S. and abroad to hide income from the tax collector.
Abusive shelters and bogus transactions come in many forms. It's often hard for average taxpayers to tell the difference between a legitimate and a bogus tax shelter. But, says Andrew S. Eristoff, New York State's tax commissioner, "If it sounds too good to be true, it probably is."
One of the most basic shelters being targeted involves moving assets to offshore banks, which issue debit or credit cards to the individuals involved. The individuals then use the cards to make purchases in the U.S. and don't report the income earned on those assets to tax officials.
In some cases, the tax dodgers actually earn the income abroad, making it all the more difficult for tax collectors to detect. Officials say surprisingly large numbers of people are involved in such schemes, which often involve banks in the Caribbean.
Other shelters involve the use of multiple layers of domestic and foreign "pass-through entities," such as partnerships and "S corporations." They're known as pass-through entities since they typically pass along income or losses to partners, shareholders and other beneficiaries, who in turn are supposed to report their share on their own individual returns. These scams can be especially hard to detect because "it's often simply a shell game that they play, passing the income through one partnership to another partnership to another offshore entity and back," says Harley Duncan, executive director of the Federation of Tax Administrators. "It's tough to follow."
WARNING FLAGS
Factors that should make you question a shelter
• Offshore trusts or overseas banks used to hide income from U.S. tax authorities.
• Financial derivatives that create artificial losses. The losses are then used to offset gains and avoid taxes.
• Any transaction that has no real economic purpose except to avoid taxes.
Taxpayers often hear about shelters from high-priced promoters, who wave opinion letters from law firms saying the transactions are likely to pass muster. The peddlers aren't just fly-by-night operators. Accounting giant KPMG LLP, for example, said recently that federal prosecutors have started a criminal investigation of certain shelters formerly offered by the firm.
One way to protect yourself if you're unsure: Always get an independent opinion from a tax lawyer or accountant who has nothing to do with the transaction you're being pitched. In general, be wary of transactions that seem designed only to cut taxes.
Despite the tough talk, it's not clear whether budget-strapped states will have enough personnel and muscle to follow through on their ambitious plans. Some of the tax shelters under attack are enormously complex, and it will take a lot of work to make cases against their participants.
Many bogus transactions depend on "dozens of layers of transactions -- each one intended to bury the taxable income a little deeper," says Stephen M. Cordi, Maryland's deputy comptroller and president of the Federation of Tax Administrators. "The layers are then scattered among any number of states. We can only uncover these types of schemes by sharing knowledge."
New York State plans to scrutinize major accounting firms, lawyers, accountants and other promoters of tax-avoidance schemes, says Mr. Eristoff, the tax commissioner. New York officials say some types of tax shelters are designed to avoid state taxes only, making interstate cooperation especially important.
State officials say their new pact complements one signed late last year between 45 states, Washington, D.C., and New York City. That one was aimed at coordinating efforts and sharing data on illegal schemes to evade both federal and state taxes. The new pact provides a formal structure for states and cities to notify each other even when a shelter or bogus transaction is designed to avoid state and local taxes only, says Verenda Smith of the Federation of Tax Administrators.
California officials say they already have collected about $113 million this year from individuals who turned themselves in under the state's new "voluntary compliance" offer involving "abusive" shelters. The state expects to collect far more by the time its offer expires April 15. California's offer is simple: If you come in from the cold voluntarily by the deadline, you can save significant amounts of money in penalties. That may also avoid possible criminal prosecution.
States are focusing their guns on tax shelters for much the same reason Willie Sutton robbed banks: That's where the money is. Despite the recent economic upturn, many states still face budgetary woes. A recent survey by the National Conference of State Legislatures in Denver found at least 18 states struggling to plug budget gaps. That report also cited 10 states, including California and Connecticut, whose fiscal health has deteriorated since the last survey in November.
"Abusive tax-avoidance transactions have become a threat to the fiscal health of our states," said Mr. Cordi of the Federation of Tax Administrators.
George Soros
Founder and Chairman
George Soros was born in Budapest, Hungary on August 12, 1930. He survived the Nazi occupation of Budapest and left communist Hungary in 1947 for England, where he graduated from the London School of Economics (LSE). While a student at LSE, Soros became familiar with the work of the philosopher Karl Popper, who had a profound influence on his thinking and later on his professional and philanthropic activities.
The financier. In 1956, Soros moved to the United States, where he began to accumulate a large fortune through an international investment fund he founded and managed. Today he is chairman of Soros Fund Management LLC.
The philanthropist. Soros has been active as a philanthropist since 1979, when he began providing funds to help black students attend the University of Cape Town in apartheid South Africa. Today he is chairman of the Open Society Institute (OSI) and the founder of a network of philanthropic organizations that are active in more than 50 countries. Based primarily in Central and Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union—but also in Africa, Latin America, Asia, and the United States—these foundations are dedicated to building and maintaining the infrastructure and institutions of an open society. They work closely with OSI to develop and implement a range of programs focusing on civil society, education, media, public health, and human rights as well as social, legal, and economic reform. In recent years, OSI and the Soros foundations network have spent more than $400 million annually to support projects in these and other focus areas. In 1992, Soros founded Central European University, with its primary campus in Budapest.
The author and philosopher. Soros is the author of eight books, including The Bubble of America Supremacy: Correcting the Misuse of American Power (PublicAffairs, January 2004); George Soros on Globalization (2002); The Alchemy of Finance (1987); Opening the Soviet System (1990); Underwriting Democracy (1991); Soros on Soros: Staying Ahead of the Curve (1995); The Crisis of Global Capitalism: Open Society Endangered (1998); and Open Society: Reforming Global Capitalism (2000). His articles and essays on politics, society, and economics regularly appear in major newspapers and magazines around the world.
George Soros's political activities are wholly separate from the Open Society Institute. Read an official OSI statement on this subject.
Nov 23, 2003 -- Washington Post Editorial: Mr. Soros's Millions
BILLIONAIRE FINANCIER George Soros may be the new central banker of the Democratic Party. He's given $10 million to America Coming Together, a Democratic voter mobilization group aimed at defeating President Bush. He pledged another $2.5 million to the liberal group Moveon.org for a television advertising campaign highlighting "Bush policy failures," and as much as $3 million to a new Democratic think tank, the Center for American Progress. Which leads to obvious questions: This is campaign finance reform? Wasn't the whole point of the new campaign finance law to get big checks of this kind out of politics? Are these huge donations healthy for small-d democracy, not just big-D Democrats?
The central reform of the McCain-Feingold campaign finance legislation was to stem the tidal wave of "soft money" contributions from wealthy individuals, corporations and labor unions to political parties: Each party raked in about $250 million in such checks in 2000. It was inevitable that some of this money would shift to outside groups. Indeed, the groups had become players even during the heyday of party soft money. Now, they've become even more important. That's particularly true for Democrats because of the GOP's advantage in hard money, the limited-dollar contributions that remain available to parties.
The emergence of these groups doesn't mean the campaign finance law was for naught. McCain-Feingold severed the toxic link between big checks and politicians. Politicians can't solicit money for these outside groups, and the groups are limited in plotting strategy with candidates or parties. Republicans are angling to make the Soros-backed groups look like a Democratic end run around McCain-Feingold, but Republicans and their allies haven't been shy about using such entities in the past, and that's apt to be true in the 2004 campaign as well. A critical question will be whether the money goes to groups that are required to disclose their receipts and spending (so-called 527s), such as most of those backed by Mr. Soros, or whether the checks will flow to nonprofit groups that don't have to reveal their finances -- a far more dangerous development.
There remains something unsettling about those Soros checks. Mr. Soros, who spent $5 billion to promote democracy around the world and $18 million to spur campaign finance reform in this country, told The Post's Laura Blumenfeld that defeating Mr. Bush is "the central focus of my life." True, there is a difference between a check motivated by an ideological worldview and one prompted by economic self-interest. But such outsize voices, on the left or right, pose dangers to a democratic system: No one wants one deep-pocketed person picking the next president. For Democrats thrilled with the Soros millions, imagine conservative financier Richard Mellon Scaife opening his bank account on behalf of Mr. Bush.
"I do not represent any special interest," Mr. Soros says. "My contributions are made in the public interest." Mr. Soros may not be seeking a rider on an appropriations bill, but who is he to determine the public interest?
The Soros donations point up another problem: Disclosure is critical to an effective campaign finance system, yet no information about Mr. Soros's recent generosity will be on the public record until February, when the next reports are due. Mr. Soros has been commendably open about his gifts, but if a wealthy donor wanted to make a big and stealthy splash during the primaries, the information wouldn't be public until after Iowa and New Hampshire. Remember Republicans for Clean Air, the mystery group that attacked John McCain during the 2000 primaries? That episode prompted Congress to require that such groups report their activities, though the nonprofit loophole remains. It would be a minor change, with a big payoff, to require that these shadow political parties follow the same disclosure schedule as the parties themselves.
(c) The Washington Post
Soros takes on Bush
By Susan Mitchell
American multibillionaire George Soros, one of the world's richest men, has given away nearly US$5 billion to promote democracy in the former Soviet bloc, Africa, and Asia.
Now the philanthropist, who has a share in theValentia consortium that owns Eircom, has a new project - defeating President Bush.
The Hungarian emigre described the project as the central focus of his life. He has mounted a campaign involving a book, magazine, and newspaper articles, as well as multi-million dollar donations to liberal groups, all aimed at defeating Bush in the November 2004 elections.
Announcing a donation of US$5 million to a liberal activist organisation called Move-O n.org, Soros told the Washington Post last week that the effort to oust Bush was a "matter of life and death".
"America, under Bush, is a danger to the world," he said, "and I'm willing to put my money where my mouth is." The gift brings Soros's donations to groups dedicated to Bush's removal to US$15.5million.
Other pledges of cash have gone to America Coming Together (ACT), an anti-Bush group that proposes to mobilise voters against the president in 17 key states.
Soros has also helped to bankroll a new liberal thinktank, the Centre for American Progress, to be headed by Bill Clinton's former chief of staff, John Podesta. It aims to counter the rising influence of neoconservative institutions in Washington. In past elections, Soros, 74, contributed relatively modest sums. But he said he had grown alarmed at the influence of neo-conservatives. He described how he has been waking at 3am, his thoughts shaking him "like an alarm clock".
Soros said that a "supremacist ideology"guides theWhite House. In a statement that has outraged Republicans, Soros claimed he heard echoes in Republican Party rhetoric of his childhood in occupied Hungary.
"When I hear Bush say `You're either with us or against us,' it reminds me of the Germans." It conjured up memories, he said, of Nazi slogans on the walls, Der Féind Hort Mit (The enemy is listening). Soros has already written seven books on economics and world affairs, dense tracts of political theory and complex economic programmes.
He now plans to set out his reasons for detesting the Bush administration in a book to be published in January, The Bubble of American Supremacy. It is a no-holds-barred attack on what he sees as the hubris of American policy.
"I was very comfortable with what this country stood for," he told Fortune magazine. "But with the Bush administration coming into power, and the way it has exploited the terrorist attacks of September 11, I feel very uncomfortable about the direction in which the US is taking the world, and to me it's not business as usual."
Soros has made a career out of detecting when normal situations turn far from normal. He has become one of the richest men in the world by reacting before other financiers and governments.
He has now predicted a "crisis of global capitalism", which he attributes to the Bush administration's policy "of dominating the world in the guise of fighting terrorism".
As an analyst, Soros has rattled global markets in ways few individuals ever have. In 1992, he led an attack on the British pound, made US$1 billion within several weeks, left the Bank of England's currency devalued by 12 per cent and forced its ejection from the Exchange Rate Mechanism of the European Monetary System.
Since then, anything he has said about a currency has effectively become a self-fulfilling prophecy. Detractors have accused him of destabilising world currencies and wrecking the economies of entire nations. After his much-publicised clash with Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Moham mad during the 1997 Asian economic crisis, Mahathir reportedly referred to him as a "moron".
Last year a Parisian court fined him €2.2 million for insider trading, after finding him guilty of profiting from inside knowledge of a 1998 takeover bid for Societe Generale, a French bank. Soros is appealing the ruling.
Soros started his first hedge fund in 1969 with US$4 million, just a fraction of it his own. Between then and 2000, Soros's fund returned an average of 31 per cent annually, with only three losing years. His fund company now has about US$12 billion under management. Of that, US$7.4 billion is in the flagship Quantum Endowment fund.
Soros maintains that there are outside investors in Quantum, but former executives have said that the overwhelming share - if not all - of the US$7.4 billion belongs to Soros and his family.
Soros' actions have infuriated the Republican Party, which has accused him of avoiding federal limits on donations to political parties - an allegation which Democrats constantly level at big business for its links with the Republicans. One Republican spokeswoman claimed Soros had "purchased the Democratic Party".
In the past ten years, Soros has been accused by Russian foreign minister Igor Ivanov and deposed Georgian president Eduard Shevardnadze of directly engineering Georgia's Rose Revolution.
He has been slammed by a Boston Globe columnist as a "greater threat to democracy" than Rupert Murdoch, cited as the main reason for falls in the value of the US dollar and South Africa rand and accused by the Jerusalem Post of defending anti-Semitism. Soros is a Jew.
He has always had a high profile but, if the first two weeks of December are anything to go by, the Democrats' benefactor looks set to take centre stage in the race for the White House.
Soros, groups target Bush
President's campaign cites 'liberal special interests'
Friday, December 26, 2003 Posted: 3:32 PM EST (2032 GMT)
George Soros has pledged millions to independent groups, "to ensure that the money spent on trying to re-elect President Bush doesn't overwhelm the process."
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• Club for Growth
• MoveOn.org
• Soros Foundations Network
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WASHINGTON (Reuters) -- President Bush's most-feared political opponents for now may not be Democratic presidential candidates, but a billionaire financier and anti-Bush advocacy groups with big-spending plans.
"Liberal special interests, led by billionaire currency trader George Soros, are raising millions in soft, unregulated money to defeat President Bush," the Bush campaign says in an Internet posting.
Bush has already raised more than $110 million for his primary campaign, in which he has no challenger, far outstripping any Democratic rival.
Campaign spokesman Scott Stanzel said anti-Bush groups threaten to spend as much as $400 million, justifying the Bush primary-season goal of raising a record $170 million, largely through a network of major supporters who funnel donations to the campaign.
But campaign finance experts say there is little chance of Bush being outspent.
"The Bush campaign is raising money hand-over-fist. He has the aura of the incumbency and the power of the presidency. He's in the catbird seat," said Celia Wexler, research director of the Common Cause good-government group.
Along with Soros, the Hungarian-born financier who has pledged $12.5 million to ensure "we can write off the Bush doctrine as a temporary aberration," another chief target of Republican ire are independent political groups such as the Internet-based MoveOn.org.
The group has raised nearly $7 million to run ads attacking Bush, and launched an anti-Bush television-commercial contest which has drawn more than 1,000 submissions from the public.
Groups including MoveOn.org are banned from coordinating activities with any party or candidate. But they have gained prominence under last year's McCain-Feingold campaign finance act which ended unregulated "soft money" donations. Democrats had relied on soft money to help claw back a Republican advantage in individual donations. (Supreme Court upholds 'soft money' ban)
"They have the potential to do an incredible amount of damage," said Scott Reed, a Republican consultant with close ties to the White House. He said the independent groups could run "over the top" ads attacking Bush with political impunity, and there was little financial accountability.
He suggested Soros may be seeking "payback" for the Iraq war, reflecting business interests in France and Germany.
Independent groups
Soros pledged his money to two independent political groups -- MoveOn.org and America Coming Together. "My contributions help to ensure that the money spent on trying to re-elect President Bush doesn't overwhelm the process," he said in a Washington Post opinion piece earlier this month.
Soros -- whose new book on the subject is "The Bubble of American Supremacy" -- said he was "deeply concerned with the direction in which the Bush administration is taking the United States and the world."
The Bush team's fund-raising appeals sharply criticize such efforts and accuse the independent groups of raising money overseas. "To beat these billionaire liberals and the flood of foreign money they're encouraging, we need your help today," an e-mail solicitation read.
MoveOn.org founder Wes Boyd said the groups accepts no foreign donations and defended the group's methods. He said its donors have no expectation of access to a successful candidate, unlike those who donate directly to a campaign. "There's no strings attached," he said.
The Center for Public Integrity government watchdog group said independent committees from across the political spectrum have raised $32 million this year, although the Soros-backed America Coming Together had yet to report.
Wexler said it was too early to judge how effective the groups would be. The Federal Election Commission is expected to issue guidelines in February on their political activity.
Conservatives have also used independent political groups and are doing so again this year. "They're playing catch-up ball," after waiting for the Supreme Court's December ruling upholding the campaign finance reform legislation, Reed said.
The conservative Club for Growth has run ads in Iowa and New Hampshire, where the nation's first major nominating contests take place, attacking front-running Democratic presidential candidate Howard Dean.
the Claude Rains Memorial Gambling Awareness Award goes to Ed Gillespie of the RNC, (still) a major Republican lobbyist, who has discovered to his shock and horror that rich people put money into politics.
imagine their outrage at the news that George Soros, the billionaire financier and philanthropist, will spend millions next year to defeat President Bush. Actually, no imagination is needed to hear the squealing and squawking from the right. From the commanding heights of the Republican National Committee and House hearing rooms all the way down to the lowliest Web sites, George Soros is an object of vilification.
Righteous anger about the Soros funding burns hottest among those with the least credibility. Leading the anti-Soros chorus is Ed Gillespie, the new R.N.C. chairman and former lobbyist. His clients notably included the late Enron Corporation, a firm where criminal book-cooking paid for promiscuous political palm-greasing.
According to a former Enron executive interviewed by The Washington Post, "whenever we had to get in to see a Republican, the first call was to Gillespie." While churning out press releases about the nefarious Soros, the R.N.C. chief continues to hold an ownership stake in Quinn Gillespie, the lobby shop he founded in 2000 with former Clinton White House counsel Jack Quinn that has reported fees totaling $27 million from its corporate clientele.
Now Mr. Gillespie accuses Mr. Soros of seeking to empower "special interests," and of undermining campaign-finance restrictions that the Republican Party has traditionally opposed and subverted. He frets that the Soros donations may not be "disclosed to the public."
...
The Journal editorial sniffs that Mr. Soros will give money through so-called "527" committees (a reference to the section of the I.R.S. code that regulates such groups), whose "disclosure patterns … have been full of holes and evasions." And any Democrat who defeats the President will have no choice but to answer to the Soros political "machine."
Exactly what has Mr. Soros done to provoke this reaction? He has given $3 million to a new liberal Washington think tank, the Center for American Progress. And yes, he has publicly pledged $10 million to Americans Coming Together, a liberal voter-registration effort, and $5 million to MoveOn.org, an Internet-based group that is raising millions of dollars in small donations for liberal candidates and causes.
That sounds like a lot of money, except when contrasted with the enormous amounts pumped into organs of conservative propaganda every year by such truly prodigious spenders as Sun Myung Moon, Rupert Murdoch, Richard Mellon Scaife and literally dozens of other obscure but rich Republicans.
Besides, there is no evidence that Mr. Soros is seeking to influence Washington policy on behalf of his financial interests. The same can hardly be said of the "Rangers" and "Pioneers" who collect hundreds of thousands of dollars every day for the Bush campaign. The corporate leaders and K Street lobbyists who "bundle" these donations include an individual "tracking number" on every checkÑto ensure proper "credit" by the White House.
The results can be traced in nearly every important item of White House legislation. Its energy bill brimmed with billions in favors to the oil, nuclear, coal and auto industries. Its Medicare "reform" will dispense billions to the insurance, pharmaceutical, hospital and nursing-home industries.
Meanwhile, House Majority Whip Tom DeLay oversees his own array of Republican 527 committees, which funnel millions of dollars into various advertising campaigns and legislative races. He has long since mastered the "holes and evasions" of this system, and is constantly drilling new ones.
According to The New York Times, his latest is a "charity" that would suck huge, undisclosed contributions from anonymous Republican donors who desire access to Congress. Supposedly intended for the benefit of neglected children, this money’s real purpose is to pay for "late-night parties, luxury suites, and yacht cruises" at next September’s Republican convention.
Soros pins his hopes on defeat for Bush
By JULIA MALONE
The Atlanta Journal-Constitution
Rick McKay / AJC
Author of "The Bubble of American Supremacy," billionaire George Soros says he will devote this year to unseating President Bush.
WASHINGTON -- Billionaire George Soros, probably the single biggest giver to Democratic causes, said Monday that Republican criticism of him could be very costly.
"It has got a rise out of me," he said, adding that his anger "will probably find expression" in additional donations to efforts to defeat President Bush.
How much, Soros wouldn't say. He already has given $10 million to Americans Coming Together and $2.5 million to www.moveon.org, groups that are running anti-Bush campaigns.
Soros, recently ranked as the 28th richest man in America by Forbes magazine, said he will devote this year to unseating Bush.
"I'm ready to put my money where my mouth is," said the Hungarian-born financier, who made his fortune in New York as a hedge-fund operator. His opposition to the Bush administration is based chiefly on the invasion of Iraq.
Soros declined to endorse any Democratic contender but said his views are closest to those of former Vermont Gov. Howard Dean, retired Army Gen. Wesley Clark and Sen. John Kerry of Massachusetts.
"I'm keen for Dean," Soros said, dismissing a published report that he had doubts about the apparent front-runner.
He made the remarks at the Carnegie Center for International Peace to promote his new book, "The Bubble of American Supremacy," a searing analysis of the Bush administration's foreign policy.
Soros said the president had "deliberately deceived the public" about his reasons for invading Iraq and said Bush had "used the war on terrorism as a pretext to pursue a dream of American supremacy."
He complained that he had been "demonized" by the "Bush propaganda machine." He especially objected to a Wall Street Journal editorial last month that criticized him for financing pro-marijuana voter initiatives and repeated a charge by Joseph Califano, secretary of health, education and welfare in the Carter administration, that Soros is "the Daddy Warbucks of drug legalization."
Soros, who favors medicinal use of marijuana, complained that critics skip over his donations of $700 million to assist the growth of democracy in Eastern Europe.
He also has come under fire from both Republicans and some campaign finance reformers for making big-dollar donations to political groups. They say Soros, who supported a new law banning unlimited so-called "soft money" donations to political parties, has violated the spirit of the statute by giving huge amounts to groups that are not technically affiliated with parties but have partisan leanings.
Soros countered Monday that he has fully disclosed his contributions.
"I think MoveOn is doing a very good job," he said of the liberal, Internet-based group that is collecting money to run ads critical of the White House. "It's a very appropriate and exciting way of communication."
The group recently stirred a controversy by including two spots on its Web site comparing Bush to Adolf Hitler.
That was a mistake, Soros said, but he added that it was no reason for him to curtail his support.
Americans Coming Together, the other group he is supporting, plans to raise $95 million to run a get-out-the-vote campaign in key battleground states.
Conservatives Shocked By the Power of Money
by Joe Conason
Whenever Republican leaders complain about the power of money in politics, the source of their concern is always the same: Somewhere, a Democrat of means has just written a substantial check. To Republicans who regard their financial advantage as a partisan birthright, such leveling gestures seem terribly unfair—as unsporting as a liberal who fights back.
So imagine their outrage at the news that George Soros, the billionaire financier and philanthropist, will spend millions next year to defeat President Bush. Actually, no imagination is needed to hear the squealing and squawking from the right. From the commanding heights of the Republican National Committee and House hearing rooms all the way down to the lowliest Web sites, George Soros is an object of vilification.
Righteous anger about the Soros funding burns hottest among those with the least credibility. Leading the anti-Soros chorus is Ed Gillespie, the new R.N.C. chairman and former lobbyist. His clients notably included the late Enron Corporation, a firm where criminal book-cooking paid for promiscuous political palm-greasing.
According to a former Enron executive interviewed by The Washington Post, "whenever we had to get in to see a Republican, the first call was to Gillespie." While churning out press releases about the nefarious Soros, the R.N.C. chief continues to hold an ownership stake in Quinn Gillespie, the lobby shop he founded in 2000 with former Clinton White House counsel Jack Quinn that has reported fees totaling $27 million from its corporate clientele.
Now Mr. Gillespie accuses Mr. Soros of seeking to empower "special interests," and of undermining campaign-finance restrictions that the Republican Party has traditionally opposed and subverted. He frets that the Soros donations may not be "disclosed to the public."
As Republican distress over Mr. Soros echoes in the conservative chat rooms, some critics aren’t as high-minded as Mr. Gillespie. On the Web site run by GOPUSA—a commercial entity that attracted major Republican legislators, lobbyists and commentators to its Washington conference this month—the Jewish financier was recently described as "a Hungarian-born descendant of Shylock."
For the vast majority of right-wing whiners, however, what rankles is not his ethnicity, but his determination. Mr. Soros, they say, is a hypocrite because after endorsing campaign-finance reform, he’s now violating the spirit of the McCain-Feingold law that banned soft-money donations to the political parties. The Wall Street Journal warns that liberal "fat cats" like Mr. Soros will be "less accountable" than the old soft-money donors, and that "his views will follow his cash in influencing Democratic policy."
The Journal editorial sniffs that Mr. Soros will give money through so-called "527" committees (a reference to the section of the I.R.S. code that regulates such groups), whose "disclosure patterns … have been full of holes and evasions." And any Democrat who defeats the President will have no choice but to answer to the Soros political "machine."
Exactly what has Mr. Soros done to provoke this reaction? He has given $3 million to a new liberal Washington think tank, the Center for American Progress. And yes, he has publicly pledged $10 million to Americans Coming Together, a liberal voter-registration effort, and $5 million to MoveOn.org, an Internet-based group that is raising millions of dollars in small donations for liberal candidates and causes.
That sounds like a lot of money, except when contrasted with the enormous amounts pumped into organs of conservative propaganda every year by such truly prodigious spenders as Sun Myung Moon, Rupert Murdoch, Richard Mellon Scaife and literally dozens of other obscure but rich Republicans.
Besides, there is no evidence that Mr. Soros is seeking to influence Washington policy on behalf of his financial interests. The same can hardly be said of the "Rangers" and "Pioneers" who collect hundreds of thousands of dollars every day for the Bush campaign. The corporate leaders and K Street lobbyists who "bundle" these donations include an individual "tracking number" on every check—to ensure proper "credit" by the White House.
The results can be traced in nearly every important item of White House legislation. Its energy bill brimmed with billions in favors to the oil, nuclear, coal and auto industries. Its Medicare "reform" will dispense billions to the insurance, pharmaceutical, hospital and nursing-home industries.
Meanwhile, House Majority Whip Tom DeLay oversees his own array of Republican 527 committees, which funnel millions of dollars into various advertising campaigns and legislative races. He has long since mastered the "holes and evasions" of this system, and is constantly drilling new ones.
According to The New York Times, his latest is a "charity" that would suck huge, undisclosed contributions from anonymous Republican donors who desire access to Congress. Supposedly intended for the benefit of neglected children, this money’s real purpose is to pay for "late-night parties, luxury suites, and yacht cruises" at next September’s Republican convention.
But it is Mr. Soros who threatens the integrity of the political process. He wants to register more voters.
Billionaire Soros stakes fortune on 'matter of life and death' - defeating George Bush
by Andrew Gumbel
Link to Article
George Soros has donated almost $5bn (£3bn) over the years to help emerging democracies in Eastern Europe recover from the shadow of tyranny. Now he is applying the same principles, and a large chunk of his fortune, to the United States, where he believes the defeat of George Bush in next year's presidential election is "a matter of life and death".
So far, he has spent more than $15m: two-thirds of it going to a liberal-leaning group called America Coming Together, which intends to mobilise voters in battleground states next November; $3m of it going to a new Washington think-tank run by Bill Clinton's former chief of staff, John Podesta; and $2.5m to the passionately anti-Bush internet lobbying group MoveOn.org, to help pay for television advertisements attacking the President.
Political donations on this scale have precedents. On the right, figures such as Richard Mellon Scaife and Howard Ahmanson have given hundreds of millions of dollars over several decades on political projects both high (setting up the Heritage Foundation think-tank, the driving engine of the Reagan presidency) and low (bankrolling investigations into President Clinton's sexual indiscretions and the suicide of the White House insider Vincent Foster).
But on the left it is almost unheard of. Mr Soros has given money to political campaigns before - $122,000 in the 2000 elections alone. This, though, is very different. In recent interviews he has likened the with-us-or-against-us rhetoric of the Bush administration to the political language of Nazi Germany. And in a forthcoming book, The Bubble of American Supremacy, he argues that the destructive arrogance of the White House, in Iraq and elsewhere, is like an overheating of the stock market that must and will be corrected.
The Hungarian born financier and philanthropist describes the Bush administration's policies as a crude form of social Darwinism. "I call it crude because it ignores the role of co-operation in the survival of the fittest, and puts all the emphasis on competition." And he explains why the current administration is so much at odds with the driving ideology of his worldwide Open Society Institute. "The supremacist ideology of the Bush Administration stands in opposition to the principles of an open society, which recognise that people have different views and that nobody is in possession of the ultimate truth," he writes. "When President Bush says, as he does frequently, that freedom will prevail, he means that America will prevail. In a free and open society, people are supposed to decide for themselves what they mean by freedom and democracy, and not simply follow America's lead ... A chasm has opened between America and the rest of the world."
Unlike other critics who have made casual comparisons between the Bush White House and the Nazis, Mr Soros speaks with some authority - he survived the German occupation of Budapest as a boy.
That has not deterred prominent Republicans from hooting with indignation, or from accusing him of hypocrisy because Mr Soros has been a champion of campaign finance reform intended to keep big-money donations out of politics. "It's incredibly ironic that George Soros is trying to create a more open society by using an unregulated, under-the-radar-screen, shadowy, soft-money group to do it," the Republican National Committee spokeswoman Christine Iverson said recently. The Washington Post has similar reservations, writing in a recent editorial: "Wasn't the whole point of the new campaign finance law to get big checks of this kind out of politics? Are these huge donations healthy for small-d democracy, not just big-D Democrats?" Mr Soros's response seems to be: I will do whatever it takes, if the result is defeat for President Bush.
If the Republicans are alarmed, it is partly because the Soros donations are part of a new form of political activism on the left, one that takes advantage of the internet. MoveOn.org, with its 1.8 million members, has proved it can raise millions of dollars in days for a liberal cause and act as a counterweight to political organisations, including the Democratic Party leadership.
Under Reported
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
George Soros:A lot of name-calling about my donations
By: George Soros
Miami Herald Date: 12/12/2003
Printer Friendly Version
Many other wealthy Americans and I are contributing millions of dollars to grass-roots organizations engaged in the 2004 presidential election. We are deeply concerned with the direction in which the Bush administration is taking the United States and the world.
If voters reject the president's policies, America can write off the Bush Doctrine as a temporary aberration and resume its rightful place in the world. But if they endorse those policies, the United States shall have to live with the hostility of the world and endure a vicious cycle of escalating violence.
In this effort, I have committed $10 million to America Coming Together, a grass-roots, get-out-the-vote operation, and $2.5 million to the MoveOn.org Voter Fund, a popular Internet advocacy group that is airing advertisements to highlight the administration's misdeeds. This is a pittance in comparison with money raised and spent by U.S. conservative groups.
Rather than a debate on the issues, there has been a lot of name-calling about my donations by such organizations as the Republican National Committee and the National Rifle Association. In an attempt to taint the groups that I support and to intimidate other donors, those organizations imply that my contributions are illegitimate or that I have somehow broken the law.
I have scrupulously abided by both the letter and the spirit of the law. Both America Coming Together and the MoveOn.org Voter Fund are organizations that, according to a specific reference in the U.S. tax code, are entitled to receive unlimited contributions from individuals. Both groups are fully transparent about their motives and activities. Both file detailed and frequent reports with government regulators.
The most recent campaign-finance law attempts to limit the influence that special interests can gain by financing candidates and so level the playing field between the Republican and Democratic parties. My contributions are made in that spirit.
President Bush has a huge fundraising advantage because he has figured out a clever way to raise money. He relies on donors he calls Pioneers, who collect $100,000 apiece in campaign contributions in increments that fall within the legal limit of $2,000 that any individual can give; and on those he calls Rangers, who collect at least $200,000.
Many of these Pioneers and Rangers are corporate officials who are well situated to raise funds from their business associates, bundle them together and pass them along with tracking numbers to ensure proper ''credit'' to each individual donor of $2,000. Thus they are buying the same level of access and influence for their corporate interests that they previously obtained with their own and corporate funds. With the help of these Pioneers and Rangers, Bush is on track to collect $200 million.
To counter the fundraising advantage obtained by this strategy, I have contributed to independent organizations that by law are forbidden to coordinate their activities with the political parties or candidates. That law minimizes or eliminates the ability to purchase influence in exchange for my contribution. Moreover, I don't seek such influence. My contributions are made in what I believe to be the common interest. ACT is working to register voters, and MoveOn is getting more people engaged in the national debate over Bush's policies.
I recognize that the system is imperfect, and I wish that there were a different way to level the playing field. Making contributions to ACT and the MoveOn.org Voter Fund is the best approach that I have found. I have been an advocate of campaign- finance reform for almost a decade, including the legal defense of the current legislation. I recognize that every new regulation has unintended adverse consequences, but this does not mean that reform should be abandoned.
Clearly, the rules need to be updated in the light of the 2004 experience. Some good proposals have already surfaced, including one from the major sponsors of the current campaign-finance legislation. This bill should be supported.
Among other measures, it calls for an increase in the federal match for small contributions and would raise the spending limit for candidates who accept public funding to $75 million -- changes that would reduce the bias toward big-money donors. Free airtime for candidates is also important. This would reduce the cost of campaigns and the distorting effect of commercials.
George Soros is chairman of Soros Management Fund.
Original Link: http://www.miami.com/mld/miamiherald/news/opinion/7473855.htm
George Soros: Why I Gave
Politics
Soros writes an editorial for the Washington Post, justifying his $10 million donation to America Coming Together, and his $2.5 million donation to MoveOn.org. He says that he is complying with both the letter and the spirit of campaign contribution limitation laws, that his donations are "a pittance" when compared to conservative giving, and that he and other donors are simply trying to return our country to its "rightful place in the world."
The best part of the piece is his description of Bush's fundraising strategy, which centers on the dorkily-named giving categories of "Pioneers", who collect $100,000 in contributions from their friends (in legal $2,000 increments) and "Rangers", who collect $200,000. Can't you just see these people getting special certificates or plaques declaring them "Rangers In the Fight for American Supremacy"? These kinds of donations, Soros says, are essentially identical to the enormous corporate contributions that used to be legal, since they come from the same funding sources, both personal and corporate. His donations, however, are given to unaffiliated organizations, not to a party or candidate. He writes, "I have contributed to independent organizations that by law are forbidden to coordinate their activities with the political parties or candidates. That law minimizes or eliminates the ability to purchase influence in exchange for my contribution. Moreover, I don't seek such influence. My contributions are made in what I believe to be the common interest."
This distinction sounds a little nit-picky and deceptive, but he's totally right. America Coming Together does work for the common interest: their mission is to get more people registered to vote, regardless of party, though they also say they are "mobilizing voters to defeat Bush." What Soros and America Coming Together and the Republican Party all know is that when more people vote, Democrats have a better chance of winning. If democracy and participation start to work more effectively in this country, Bush will probably not get re-elected. (I can't tell you how happy and vindicated this makes me feel about the democratic process.) Soros is using this knowledge and his donations to ultimately benefit the Democrat party, but only indirectly. His transparency about his intentions also put him morally ahead of all these Pioneers and Rangers and their corporate checks.
George Soros: Why I Gave
Politics
Soros writes an editorial for the Washington Post, justifying his $10 million donation to America Coming Together, and his $2.5 million donation to MoveOn.org. He says that he is complying with both the letter and the spirit of campaign contribution limitation laws, that his donations are "a pittance" when compared to conservative giving, and that he and other donors are simply trying to return our country to its "rightful place in the world."
The best part of the piece is his description of Bush's fundraising strategy, which centers on the dorkily-named giving categories of "Pioneers", who collect $100,000 in contributions from their friends (in legal $2,000 increments) and "Rangers", who collect $200,000. Can't you just see these people getting special certificates or plaques declaring them "Rangers In the Fight for American Supremacy"? These kinds of donations, Soros says, are essentially identical to the enormous corporate contributions that used to be legal, since they come from the same funding sources, both personal and corporate. His donations, however, are given to unaffiliated organizations, not to a party or candidate. He writes, "I have contributed to independent organizations that by law are forbidden to coordinate their activities with the political parties or candidates. That law minimizes or eliminates the ability to purchase influence in exchange for my contribution. Moreover, I don't seek such influence. My contributions are made in what I believe to be the common interest."
This distinction sounds a little nit-picky and deceptive, but he's totally right. America Coming Together does work for the common interest: their mission is to get more people registered to vote, regardless of party, though they also say they are "mobilizing voters to defeat Bush." What Soros and America Coming Together and the Republican Party all know is that when more people vote, Democrats have a better chance of winning. If democracy and participation start to work more effectively in this country, Bush will probably not get re-elected. (I can't tell you how happy and vindicated this makes me feel about the democratic process.) Soros is using this knowledge and his donations to ultimately benefit the Democrat party, but only indirectly. His transparency about his intentions also put him morally ahead of all these Pioneers and Rangers and their corporate checks.
http://amysrobot.com/archive/002542.php
Under Reported
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
George Soros:A lot of name-calling about my donations
By: George Soros
Miami Herald Date: 12/12/2003
Printer Friendly Version
Many other wealthy Americans and I are contributing millions of dollars to grass-roots organizations engaged in the 2004 presidential election. We are deeply concerned with the direction in which the Bush administration is taking the United States and the world.
If voters reject the president's policies, America can write off the Bush Doctrine as a temporary aberration and resume its rightful place in the world. But if they endorse those policies, the United States shall have to live with the hostility of the world and endure a vicious cycle of escalating violence.
In this effort, I have committed $10 million to America Coming Together, a grass-roots, get-out-the-vote operation, and $2.5 million to the MoveOn.org Voter Fund, a popular Internet advocacy group that is airing advertisements to highlight the administration's misdeeds. This is a pittance in comparison with money raised and spent by U.S. conservative groups.
Rather than a debate on the issues, there has been a lot of name-calling about my donations by such organizations as the Republican National Committee and the National Rifle Association. In an attempt to taint the groups that I support and to intimidate other donors, those organizations imply that my contributions are illegitimate or that I have somehow broken the law.
I have scrupulously abided by both the letter and the spirit of the law. Both America Coming Together and the MoveOn.org Voter Fund are organizations that, according to a specific reference in the U.S. tax code, are entitled to receive unlimited contributions from individuals. Both groups are fully transparent about their motives and activities. Both file detailed and frequent reports with government regulators.
The most recent campaign-finance law attempts to limit the influence that special interests can gain by financing candidates and so level the playing field between the Republican and Democratic parties. My contributions are made in that spirit.
President Bush has a huge fundraising advantage because he has figured out a clever way to raise money. He relies on donors he calls Pioneers, who collect $100,000 apiece in campaign contributions in increments that fall within the legal limit of $2,000 that any individual can give; and on those he calls Rangers, who collect at least $200,000.
Many of these Pioneers and Rangers are corporate officials who are well situated to raise funds from their business associates, bundle them together and pass them along with tracking numbers to ensure proper ''credit'' to each individual donor of $2,000. Thus they are buying the same level of access and influence for their corporate interests that they previously obtained with their own and corporate funds. With the help of these Pioneers and Rangers, Bush is on track to collect $200 million.
To counter the fundraising advantage obtained by this strategy, I have contributed to independent organizations that by law are forbidden to coordinate their activities with the political parties or candidates. That law minimizes or eliminates the ability to purchase influence in exchange for my contribution. Moreover, I don't seek such influence. My contributions are made in what I believe to be the common interest. ACT is working to register voters, and MoveOn is getting more people engaged in the national debate over Bush's policies.
I recognize that the system is imperfect, and I wish that there were a different way to level the playing field. Making contributions to ACT and the MoveOn.org Voter Fund is the best approach that I have found. I have been an advocate of campaign- finance reform for almost a decade, including the legal defense of the current legislation. I recognize that every new regulation has unintended adverse consequences, but this does not mean that reform should be abandoned.
Clearly, the rules need to be updated in the light of the 2004 experience. Some good proposals have already surfaced, including one from the major sponsors of the current campaign-finance legislation. This bill should be supported.
Among other measures, it calls for an increase in the federal match for small contributions and would raise the spending limit for candidates who accept public funding to $75 million -- changes that would reduce the bias toward big-money donors. Free airtime for candidates is also important. This would reduce the cost of campaigns and the distorting effect of commercials.
George Soros is chairman of Soros Management Fund.
Original Link: http://www.miami.com/mld/miamiherald/news/opinion/7473855.htm
Billionaire Soros stakes fortune on 'matter of life and death' - defeating George Bush
by Andrew Gumbel
Link to Article
George Soros has donated almost $5bn (£3bn) over the years to help emerging democracies in Eastern Europe recover from the shadow of tyranny. Now he is applying the same principles, and a large chunk of his fortune, to the United States, where he believes the defeat of George Bush in next year's presidential election is "a matter of life and death".
So far, he has spent more than $15m: two-thirds of it going to a liberal-leaning group called America Coming Together, which intends to mobilise voters in battleground states next November; $3m of it going to a new Washington think-tank run by Bill Clinton's former chief of staff, John Podesta; and $2.5m to the passionately anti-Bush internet lobbying group MoveOn.org, to help pay for television advertisements attacking the President.
Political donations on this scale have precedents. On the right, figures such as Richard Mellon Scaife and Howard Ahmanson have given hundreds of millions of dollars over several decades on political projects both high (setting up the Heritage Foundation think-tank, the driving engine of the Reagan presidency) and low (bankrolling investigations into President Clinton's sexual indiscretions and the suicide of the White House insider Vincent Foster).
But on the left it is almost unheard of. Mr Soros has given money to political campaigns before - $122,000 in the 2000 elections alone. This, though, is very different. In recent interviews he has likened the with-us-or-against-us rhetoric of the Bush administration to the political language of Nazi Germany. And in a forthcoming book, The Bubble of American Supremacy, he argues that the destructive arrogance of the White House, in Iraq and elsewhere, is like an overheating of the stock market that must and will be corrected.
The Hungarian born financier and philanthropist describes the Bush administration's policies as a crude form of social Darwinism. "I call it crude because it ignores the role of co-operation in the survival of the fittest, and puts all the emphasis on competition." And he explains why the current administration is so much at odds with the driving ideology of his worldwide Open Society Institute. "The supremacist ideology of the Bush Administration stands in opposition to the principles of an open society, which recognise that people have different views and that nobody is in possession of the ultimate truth," he writes. "When President Bush says, as he does frequently, that freedom will prevail, he means that America will prevail. In a free and open society, people are supposed to decide for themselves what they mean by freedom and democracy, and not simply follow America's lead ... A chasm has opened between America and the rest of the world."
Unlike other critics who have made casual comparisons between the Bush White House and the Nazis, Mr Soros speaks with some authority - he survived the German occupation of Budapest as a boy.
That has not deterred prominent Republicans from hooting with indignation, or from accusing him of hypocrisy because Mr Soros has been a champion of campaign finance reform intended to keep big-money donations out of politics. "It's incredibly ironic that George Soros is trying to create a more open society by using an unregulated, under-the-radar-screen, shadowy, soft-money group to do it," the Republican National Committee spokeswoman Christine Iverson said recently. The Washington Post has similar reservations, writing in a recent editorial: "Wasn't the whole point of the new campaign finance law to get big checks of this kind out of politics? Are these huge donations healthy for small-d democracy, not just big-D Democrats?" Mr Soros's response seems to be: I will do whatever it takes, if the result is defeat for President Bush.
If the Republicans are alarmed, it is partly because the Soros donations are part of a new form of political activism on the left, one that takes advantage of the internet. MoveOn.org, with its 1.8 million members, has proved it can raise millions of dollars in days for a liberal cause and act as a counterweight to political organisations, including the Democratic Party leadership.
Conservatives Shocked By the Power of Money
by Joe Conason
Whenever Republican leaders complain about the power of money in politics, the source of their concern is always the same: Somewhere, a Democrat of means has just written a substantial check. To Republicans who regard their financial advantage as a partisan birthright, such leveling gestures seem terribly unfair—as unsporting as a liberal who fights back.
So imagine their outrage at the news that George Soros, the billionaire financier and philanthropist, will spend millions next year to defeat President Bush. Actually, no imagination is needed to hear the squealing and squawking from the right. From the commanding heights of the Republican National Committee and House hearing rooms all the way down to the lowliest Web sites, George Soros is an object of vilification.
Righteous anger about the Soros funding burns hottest among those with the least credibility. Leading the anti-Soros chorus is Ed Gillespie, the new R.N.C. chairman and former lobbyist. His clients notably included the late Enron Corporation, a firm where criminal book-cooking paid for promiscuous political palm-greasing.
According to a former Enron executive interviewed by The Washington Post, "whenever we had to get in to see a Republican, the first call was to Gillespie." While churning out press releases about the nefarious Soros, the R.N.C. chief continues to hold an ownership stake in Quinn Gillespie, the lobby shop he founded in 2000 with former Clinton White House counsel Jack Quinn that has reported fees totaling $27 million from its corporate clientele.
Now Mr. Gillespie accuses Mr. Soros of seeking to empower "special interests," and of undermining campaign-finance restrictions that the Republican Party has traditionally opposed and subverted. He frets that the Soros donations may not be "disclosed to the public."
As Republican distress over Mr. Soros echoes in the conservative chat rooms, some critics aren’t as high-minded as Mr. Gillespie. On the Web site run by GOPUSA—a commercial entity that attracted major Republican legislators, lobbyists and commentators to its Washington conference this month—the Jewish financier was recently described as "a Hungarian-born descendant of Shylock."
For the vast majority of right-wing whiners, however, what rankles is not his ethnicity, but his determination. Mr. Soros, they say, is a hypocrite because after endorsing campaign-finance reform, he’s now violating the spirit of the McCain-Feingold law that banned soft-money donations to the political parties. The Wall Street Journal warns that liberal "fat cats" like Mr. Soros will be "less accountable" than the old soft-money donors, and that "his views will follow his cash in influencing Democratic policy."
The Journal editorial sniffs that Mr. Soros will give money through so-called "527" committees (a reference to the section of the I.R.S. code that regulates such groups), whose "disclosure patterns … have been full of holes and evasions." And any Democrat who defeats the President will have no choice but to answer to the Soros political "machine."
Exactly what has Mr. Soros done to provoke this reaction? He has given $3 million to a new liberal Washington think tank, the Center for American Progress. And yes, he has publicly pledged $10 million to Americans Coming Together, a liberal voter-registration effort, and $5 million to MoveOn.org, an Internet-based group that is raising millions of dollars in small donations for liberal candidates and causes.
That sounds like a lot of money, except when contrasted with the enormous amounts pumped into organs of conservative propaganda every year by such truly prodigious spenders as Sun Myung Moon, Rupert Murdoch, Richard Mellon Scaife and literally dozens of other obscure but rich Republicans.
Besides, there is no evidence that Mr. Soros is seeking to influence Washington policy on behalf of his financial interests. The same can hardly be said of the "Rangers" and "Pioneers" who collect hundreds of thousands of dollars every day for the Bush campaign. The corporate leaders and K Street lobbyists who "bundle" these donations include an individual "tracking number" on every check—to ensure proper "credit" by the White House.
The results can be traced in nearly every important item of White House legislation. Its energy bill brimmed with billions in favors to the oil, nuclear, coal and auto industries. Its Medicare "reform" will dispense billions to the insurance, pharmaceutical, hospital and nursing-home industries.
Meanwhile, House Majority Whip Tom DeLay oversees his own array of Republican 527 committees, which funnel millions of dollars into various advertising campaigns and legislative races. He has long since mastered the "holes and evasions" of this system, and is constantly drilling new ones.
According to The New York Times, his latest is a "charity" that would suck huge, undisclosed contributions from anonymous Republican donors who desire access to Congress. Supposedly intended for the benefit of neglected children, this money’s real purpose is to pay for "late-night parties, luxury suites, and yacht cruises" at next September’s Republican convention.
But it is Mr. Soros who threatens the integrity of the political process. He wants to register more voters.
Reform? What Reform?
George Soros has declared war on President Bush in the 2004 election. A recent Washington Post article reported that Soros has donated $15.5 million to organizations dedicated to ousting Bush, and he has pledged to give even more if necessary. But although Soros's donations are legal, they violate the spirit of campaign finance reform, a cause Soros supports.
Because of the McCain-Feingold campaign finance reform law, which is currently being challenged in the Supreme Court, political parties may only raise "hard" money--that is, funds subject to limits and regulation. Previously, parties could raise "soft" money--unlimited, unregulated contributions--for party-building activities such as get-out-the-vote efforts.
Democrats favored eliminating soft money contributions to parties and made it a central focus of their support for the reform law. Advocates of reform claim that limiting the amount of money an individual or special interest group may contribute reduces the risk that wealthy donors will "corrupt" the political process by exercising undue influence on it.
Ironically, George Soros subscribes to this view. He chairs and funds the Open Society Institute, which supports organizations dedicated to researching and promoting campaign finance reform options such as public funding for candidates, free television time, and, perhaps most significantly, restrictions on large donations. Although OSI claims not to coordinate with Soros's activities as a private citizen, one doubts that OSI would support any causes of which Soros disapproves. OSI has contributed as much as $18 million to promoting campaign finance reform.
But despite Soros's apparent dedication to reform, he donated $10 million to Americans Coming Together, a new organization that will take over the party-building functions that the new ban on soft money keeps the Democratic Party from doing itself. This $10 million dollar gift is the largest political donation in history.
So Soros's foundation spent $18 million supporting campaign finance reform, which allegedly reduces the influence of big-money donors, then gave $15.5 million to various political groups working to unseat President Bush. The generally left-leaning Washington Post even described Soros's contributions as "filling a gap in Democratic Party finances" in the wake of McCain-Feingold. Republican National Committee spokesperson Christine Iverson said, "George Soros has purchased the Democratic Party."
Clearly Soros is not concerned about reducing his own influence on the political process, and neither is the Democratic Party. Soros even refers to his efforts against Bush as "the Soros Doctrine." His stance on reform is simply hypocritical.
OSI takes the official position that simultaneously financing reform efforts and partisan efforts is not inconsistent. It believes that channeling large donors into activities that exclusively work toward voter education and turnout has less of a corrupting influence than direct donations to a party. But, there's no practical difference between giving to the Democratic Party and giving to ACT--to mobilize Democrat voters on election day. His impact on the election of Democratic candidates is the same.
Basically, then, reform has changed nothing except the formalities. Before McCain-Feingold, all soft money donors over $200 had to be reported. Now, George Soros and another liberal benefactor, Peter Lewis, are donating a combined $27 million in unregulated contributions, disclosed only by the grace of Soros and Lewis. Their money funds private political organizations doing essentially the same work that now-banned soft money would have facilitated in the official party structure. Reform has not ended the influence of big donors in politics. It has merely shifted the channels through which the money flows.
True campaign finance reform advocates should abhor the hypocrisy of their positions.
Susanna Dokupil is an attorney and writer in Houston, Texas. She writes regularly on legal and political issues for TAEmag.com.
Soros pins his hopes on defeat for Bush
By JULIA MALONE
The Atlanta Journal-Constitution
Rick McKay / AJC
Author of "The Bubble of American Supremacy," billionaire George Soros says he will devote this year to unseating President Bush.
WASHINGTON -- Billionaire George Soros, probably the single biggest giver to Democratic causes, said Monday that Republican criticism of him could be very costly.
"It has got a rise out of me," he said, adding that his anger "will probably find expression" in additional donations to efforts to defeat President Bush.
How much, Soros wouldn't say. He already has given $10 million to Americans Coming Together and $2.5 million to www.moveon.org, groups that are running anti-Bush campaigns.
Soros, recently ranked as the 28th richest man in America by Forbes magazine, said he will devote this year to unseating Bush.
"I'm ready to put my money where my mouth is," said the Hungarian-born financier, who made his fortune in New York as a hedge-fund operator. His opposition to the Bush administration is based chiefly on the invasion of Iraq.
Soros declined to endorse any Democratic contender but said his views are closest to those of former Vermont Gov. Howard Dean, retired Army Gen. Wesley Clark and Sen. John Kerry of Massachusetts.
"I'm keen for Dean," Soros said, dismissing a published report that he had doubts about the apparent front-runner.
He made the remarks at the Carnegie Center for International Peace to promote his new book, "The Bubble of American Supremacy," a searing analysis of the Bush administration's foreign policy.
Soros said the president had "deliberately deceived the public" about his reasons for invading Iraq and said Bush had "used the war on terrorism as a pretext to pursue a dream of American supremacy."
He complained that he had been "demonized" by the "Bush propaganda machine." He especially objected to a Wall Street Journal editorial last month that criticized him for financing pro-marijuana voter initiatives and repeated a charge by Joseph Califano, secretary of health, education and welfare in the Carter administration, that Soros is "the Daddy Warbucks of drug legalization."
Soros, who favors medicinal use of marijuana, complained that critics skip over his donations of $700 million to assist the growth of democracy in Eastern Europe.
He also has come under fire from both Republicans and some campaign finance reformers for making big-dollar donations to political groups. They say Soros, who supported a new law banning unlimited so-called "soft money" donations to political parties, has violated the spirit of the statute by giving huge amounts to groups that are not technically affiliated with parties but have partisan leanings.
Soros countered Monday that he has fully disclosed his contributions.
"I think MoveOn is doing a very good job," he said of the liberal, Internet-based group that is collecting money to run ads critical of the White House. "It's a very appropriate and exciting way of communication."
The group recently stirred a controversy by including two spots on its Web site comparing Bush to Adolf Hitler.
That was a mistake, Soros said, but he added that it was no reason for him to curtail his support.
Americans Coming Together, the other group he is supporting, plans to raise $95 million to run a get-out-the-vote campaign in key battleground states.
The Claude Rains Memorial Gambling Awareness Award goes to Ed Gillespie of the RNC, (still) a major Republican lobbyist, who has discovered to his shock and horror that rich people put money into politics.
imagine their outrage at the news that George Soros, the billionaire financier and philanthropist, will spend millions next year to defeat President Bush. Actually, no imagination is needed to hear the squealing and squawking from the right. From the commanding heights of the Republican National Committee and House hearing rooms all the way down to the lowliest Web sites, George Soros is an object of vilification.
Righteous anger about the Soros funding burns hottest among those with the least credibility. Leading the anti-Soros chorus is Ed Gillespie, the new R.N.C. chairman and former lobbyist. His clients notably included the late Enron Corporation, a firm where criminal book-cooking paid for promiscuous political palm-greasing.
According to a former Enron executive interviewed by The Washington Post, "whenever we had to get in to see a Republican, the first call was to Gillespie." While churning out press releases about the nefarious Soros, the R.N.C. chief continues to hold an ownership stake in Quinn Gillespie, the lobby shop he founded in 2000 with former Clinton White House counsel Jack Quinn that has reported fees totaling $27 million from its corporate clientele.
Now Mr. Gillespie accuses Mr. Soros of seeking to empower "special interests," and of undermining campaign-finance restrictions that the Republican Party has traditionally opposed and subverted. He frets that the Soros donations may not be "disclosed to the public."
...
The Journal editorial sniffs that Mr. Soros will give money through so-called "527" committees (a reference to the section of the I.R.S. code that regulates such groups), whose "disclosure patterns … have been full of holes and evasions." And any Democrat who defeats the President will have no choice but to answer to the Soros political "machine."
Exactly what has Mr. Soros done to provoke this reaction? He has given $3 million to a new liberal Washington think tank, the Center for American Progress. And yes, he has publicly pledged $10 million to Americans Coming Together, a liberal voter-registration effort, and $5 million to MoveOn.org, an Internet-based group that is raising millions of dollars in small donations for liberal candidates and causes.
That sounds like a lot of money, except when contrasted with the enormous amounts pumped into organs of conservative propaganda every year by such truly prodigious spenders as Sun Myung Moon, Rupert Murdoch, Richard Mellon Scaife and literally dozens of other obscure but rich Republicans.
Besides, there is no evidence that Mr. Soros is seeking to influence Washington policy on behalf of his financial interests. The same can hardly be said of the "Rangers" and "Pioneers" who collect hundreds of thousands of dollars every day for the Bush campaign. The corporate leaders and K Street lobbyists who "bundle" these donations include an individual "tracking number" on every checkÑto ensure proper "credit" by the White House.
The results can be traced in nearly every important item of White House legislation. Its energy bill brimmed with billions in favors to the oil, nuclear, coal and auto industries. Its Medicare "reform" will dispense billions to the insurance, pharmaceutical, hospital and nursing-home industries.
Meanwhile, House Majority Whip Tom DeLay oversees his own array of Republican 527 committees, which funnel millions of dollars into various advertising campaigns and legislative races. He has long since mastered the "holes and evasions" of this system, and is constantly drilling new ones.
According to The New York Times, his latest is a "charity" that would suck huge, undisclosed contributions from anonymous Republican donors who desire access to Congress. Supposedly intended for the benefit of neglected children, this money’s real purpose is to pay for "late-night parties, luxury suites, and yacht cruises" at next September’s Republican convention.
Soros, groups target Bush
President's campaign cites 'liberal special interests'
Friday, December 26, 2003 Posted: 3:32 PM EST (2032 GMT)
George Soros has pledged millions to independent groups, "to ensure that the money spent on trying to re-elect President Bush doesn't overwhelm the process."
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WASHINGTON (Reuters) -- President Bush's most-feared political opponents for now may not be Democratic presidential candidates, but a billionaire financier and anti-Bush advocacy groups with big-spending plans.
"Liberal special interests, led by billionaire currency trader George Soros, are raising millions in soft, unregulated money to defeat President Bush," the Bush campaign says in an Internet posting.
Bush has already raised more than $110 million for his primary campaign, in which he has no challenger, far outstripping any Democratic rival.
Campaign spokesman Scott Stanzel said anti-Bush groups threaten to spend as much as $400 million, justifying the Bush primary-season goal of raising a record $170 million, largely through a network of major supporters who funnel donations to the campaign.
But campaign finance experts say there is little chance of Bush being outspent.
"The Bush campaign is raising money hand-over-fist. He has the aura of the incumbency and the power of the presidency. He's in the catbird seat," said Celia Wexler, research director of the Common Cause good-government group.
Along with Soros, the Hungarian-born financier who has pledged $12.5 million to ensure "we can write off the Bush doctrine as a temporary aberration," another chief target of Republican ire are independent political groups such as the Internet-based MoveOn.org.
The group has raised nearly $7 million to run ads attacking Bush, and launched an anti-Bush television-commercial contest which has drawn more than 1,000 submissions from the public.
Groups including MoveOn.org are banned from coordinating activities with any party or candidate. But they have gained prominence under last year's McCain-Feingold campaign finance act which ended unregulated "soft money" donations. Democrats had relied on soft money to help claw back a Republican advantage in individual donations. (Supreme Court upholds 'soft money' ban)
"They have the potential to do an incredible amount of damage," said Scott Reed, a Republican consultant with close ties to the White House. He said the independent groups could run "over the top" ads attacking Bush with political impunity, and there was little financial accountability.
He suggested Soros may be seeking "payback" for the Iraq war, reflecting business interests in France and Germany.
Independent groups
Soros pledged his money to two independent political groups -- MoveOn.org and America Coming Together. "My contributions help to ensure that the money spent on trying to re-elect President Bush doesn't overwhelm the process," he said in a Washington Post opinion piece earlier this month.
Soros -- whose new book on the subject is "The Bubble of American Supremacy" -- said he was "deeply concerned with the direction in which the Bush administration is taking the United States and the world."
The Bush team's fund-raising appeals sharply criticize such efforts and accuse the independent groups of raising money overseas. "To beat these billionaire liberals and the flood of foreign money they're encouraging, we need your help today," an e-mail solicitation read.
MoveOn.org founder Wes Boyd said the groups accepts no foreign donations and defended the group's methods. He said its donors have no expectation of access to a successful candidate, unlike those who donate directly to a campaign. "There's no strings attached," he said.
The Center for Public Integrity government watchdog group said independent committees from across the political spectrum have raised $32 million this year, although the Soros-backed America Coming Together had yet to report.
Wexler said it was too early to judge how effective the groups would be. The Federal Election Commission is expected to issue guidelines in February on their political activity.
Conservatives have also used independent political groups and are doing so again this year. "They're playing catch-up ball," after waiting for the Supreme Court's December ruling upholding the campaign finance reform legislation, Reed said.
The conservative Club for Growth has run ads in Iowa and New Hampshire, where the nation's first major nominating contests take place, attacking front-running Democratic presidential candidate Howard Dean.
Soros takes on Bush
By Susan Mitchell
American multibillionaire George Soros, one of the world's richest men, has given away nearly US$5 billion to promote democracy in the former Soviet bloc, Africa, and Asia.
Now the philanthropist, who has a share in theValentia consortium that owns Eircom, has a new project - defeating President Bush.
The Hungarian emigre described the project as the central focus of his life. He has mounted a campaign involving a book, magazine, and newspaper articles, as well as multi-million dollar donations to liberal groups, all aimed at defeating Bush in the November 2004 elections.
Announcing a donation of US$5 million to a liberal activist organisation called Move-O n.org, Soros told the Washington Post last week that the effort to oust Bush was a "matter of life and death".
"America, under Bush, is a danger to the world," he said, "and I'm willing to put my money where my mouth is." The gift brings Soros's donations to groups dedicated to Bush's removal to US$15.5million.
Other pledges of cash have gone to America Coming Together (ACT), an anti-Bush group that proposes to mobilise voters against the president in 17 key states.
Soros has also helped to bankroll a new liberal thinktank, the Centre for American Progress, to be headed by Bill Clinton's former chief of staff, John Podesta. It aims to counter the rising influence of neoconservative institutions in Washington. In past elections, Soros, 74, contributed relatively modest sums. But he said he had grown alarmed at the influence of neo-conservatives. He described how he has been waking at 3am, his thoughts shaking him "like an alarm clock".
Soros said that a "supremacist ideology"guides theWhite House. In a statement that has outraged Republicans, Soros claimed he heard echoes in Republican Party rhetoric of his childhood in occupied Hungary.
"When I hear Bush say `You're either with us or against us,' it reminds me of the Germans." It conjured up memories, he said, of Nazi slogans on the walls, Der Féind Hort Mit (The enemy is listening). Soros has already written seven books on economics and world affairs, dense tracts of political theory and complex economic programmes.
He now plans to set out his reasons for detesting the Bush administration in a book to be published in January, The Bubble of American Supremacy. It is a no-holds-barred attack on what he sees as the hubris of American policy.
"I was very comfortable with what this country stood for," he told Fortune magazine. "But with the Bush administration coming into power, and the way it has exploited the terrorist attacks of September 11, I feel very uncomfortable about the direction in which the US is taking the world, and to me it's not business as usual."
Soros has made a career out of detecting when normal situations turn far from normal. He has become one of the richest men in the world by reacting before other financiers and governments.
He has now predicted a "crisis of global capitalism", which he attributes to the Bush administration's policy "of dominating the world in the guise of fighting terrorism".
As an analyst, Soros has rattled global markets in ways few individuals ever have. In 1992, he led an attack on the British pound, made US$1 billion within several weeks, left the Bank of England's currency devalued by 12 per cent and forced its ejection from the Exchange Rate Mechanism of the European Monetary System.
Since then, anything he has said about a currency has effectively become a self-fulfilling prophecy. Detractors have accused him of destabilising world currencies and wrecking the economies of entire nations. After his much-publicised clash with Malaysian prime minister Mahathir Moham mad during the 1997 Asian economic crisis, Mahathir reportedly referred to him as a "moron".
Last year a Parisian court fined him €2.2 million for insider trading, after finding him guilty of profiting from inside knowledge of a 1998 takeover bid for Societe Generale, a French bank. Soros is appealing the ruling.
Soros started his first hedge fund in 1969 with US$4 million, just a fraction of it his own. Between then and 2000, Soros's fund returned an average of 31 per cent annually, with only three losing years. His fund company now has about US$12 billion under management. Of that, US$7.4 billion is in the flagship Quantum Endowment fund.
Soros maintains that there are outside investors in Quantum, but former executives have said that the overwhelming share - if not all - of the US$7.4 billion belongs to Soros and his family.
Soros' actions have infuriated the Republican Party, which has accused him of avoiding federal limits on donations to political parties - an allegation which Democrats constantly level at big business for its links with the Republicans. One Republican spokeswoman claimed Soros had "purchased the Democratic Party".
In the past ten years, Soros has been accused by Russian foreign minister Igor Ivanov and deposed Georgian president Eduard Shevardnadze of directly engineering Georgia's Rose Revolution.
He has been slammed by a Boston Globe columnist as a "greater threat to democracy" than Rupert Murdoch, cited as the main reason for falls in the value of the US dollar and South Africa rand and accused by the Jerusalem Post of defending anti-Semitism. Soros is a Jew.
He has always had a high profile but, if the first two weeks of December are anything to go by, the Democrats' benefactor looks set to take centre stage in the race for the White House.
Dear Ralph Nader:
As committed individuals who advocate responsible national security policy, we are disappointed and perplexed by your decision to launch your campaign for the presidency. We call on you to stop this misguided effort.
President George W. Bush has been a disaster for the United States and the world. He unjustly ordered American troops to invade Iraq at great cost of lives and dollars. He has alienated longtime allies, undermined the United Nations and repudiated treaties.
At home, he has curtailed civil liberties, weakened standards on air pollution and food and water safety, appointed radical right wing judges, restricted a woman's right to choose, passed huge tax cuts for his wealthy supporters and now threatens our Medicare system.
George W. Bush is unfit to be President of the United States. George W. Bush told the world that Iraq had weapons of mass destruction, but that was not true. He told the world that Saddam Hussein was in league with Al Qaeda, but that was not true. He claimed that Iraq had reconstituted its nuclear weapons program, but that was not true.
The stakes are simply too high. We cannot afford another four years of George W. Bush. Your candidacy only serves to help his re-election campaign by dividing those who oppose him. Let's unite behind the achievable and vital goal defeating George W. Bush in November.
Sincerely,
John Isaacs and Guy Stevens
Guy Stevens (clw@clw.org)" <clw@clw.org>
322 4th St. NE
Washington, DC 20002
SEC Market Proposal Not Just for NYSE
Britt Erica Tunick
March 1, 2004
As late last week Wall Street eagerly awaited the specifics of the
Securities and Exchange Commission's proposal to alter several aspects of
the U.S. equity markets, the focus was on expected changes in the
long-controversial trade-through rule, which currently allows specialists
more time to find the best price for a stock order.
Altering the trade-through rule could hurt the New York Stock Exchange's
specialist system. But there are other equally significant issues to be
ironed out that could negatively affect some ECNs, rebate traders and
regional exchanges.
For one, the SEC is expected to propose a $0.001 cap on the access fees
currently charged by ECNs and exchanges-a change that industry observers say
will effectively eliminate access fees. While the SEC thinks that change
would make it more appealing for investors to trade in multiple locations,
ECNs have long relied on these fees to pay for order flow to be directed to
their books. Thus, the change could augur further consolidation in the ECN
arena.
"For the fringe ECNs that were out there charging up to a penny a share,
once they're told they can only charge a tenth of a cent, I don't know what
they'll do, and I think they're done," said Steve Swanson, chief executive
of Automated Trading Desk. "This basically spells the end of the game for
them." But the change is likely to have little impact on the larger ECNs, he
said.
Rebate traders are another group Swanson predicts will be hard hit by the
proposed change, labeled Regulation NMS. Rebate traders profit solely from
market data rebates-the money generated from printing trades to the tape.
"There are firms that specialize in rebate trading and aren't trying to earn
money in the spread, but are just trying to trade to earn the rebate," said
Swanson. He added that there are also a number of large retail firms that
split their market and limit orders so they can direct the latter to ECNs
for the $0.02 they are paid for that flow. "In the future, when there's
little to no rebate, they're going to be trying to figure something new to
do with those limit orders," he said. "And that is certainly a category of
firm where economics will change."
Similarly, the SEC will propose a new methodology for determining market
data rebates in a manner that more accurately rewards a firm's contribution
to the trading process. Although little is known about the specifics of the
new calculation methods, the move is essentially thought to be the SEC's
effort to stop exchanges from using rebates as the primary means of enticing
people to print their trades with them. Instead of rewarding fees based on
the number of trades an exchange or ECN generates, the new method will
reward those who provide price discovery (i.e., original bids and offers).
Now a 100-share trade in NYSE-listed stocks generates the same fees as does a trade for a million shares, whether or not the exchange or ECN handling the trade provides any quotes or has any impact on market data. Changing this process would put distribution of market data fees for NYSE stocks more in line with the process used in the OTC market. There, market data fees are rewarded based on a combination of both the share size and number of trades done.
Regional exchanges are expected to feel the brunt of this change. In
particular, industry observers pointed to the Cincinnati Stock Exchange,
which has generated sizable tape revenues by sharing them with ECNs, such as
Instinet and Island, as a means of persuading them to report their trades
there instead of with Nasdaq.
"The Cincinnati Stock Exchange just prints a bunch of shares but doesn't
necessarily act in the price discovery, because the ECNs are doing that,"
said one analyst who tracks the exchanges. "But more of the price discovery
is actually taking place on Nasdaq or Archipelago, so now they can actually
get a larger piece of the overall pie."
But with the new calculation method rumored to be so complicated that it is
jokingly said to involve a square root, the exchanges were nervously
awaiting specifics, uncertain of exactly what the changes would mean for
them. In the case of the Chicago Stock Exchange, which generates significant
order flow and quotes alike, optimism was still the name of the game late
last week.
"People are going to have to have accessible quotes in order to get their
fair share of market data revenue, and you can't have a model that simply
relies on matching other people's quotations," said David Herron, CEO of the
Chicago Stock Exchange.
A requirement for accessible quotes would likely bring a change to many of
the so-called upstairs firms (where brokerage traders can trade an
exchange's listed stocks off its floor). Upstairs firms now take their
orders and internally match them with the national best bid or offer,
without ever exposing them to the market. These firms then generate market
data revenues by reporting the trades to Nasdaq or alterative reporting
venues.
"These are orders being generated out of Chicago, the NYSE or Archipelago,
and somebody else is just matching that price and printing it elsewhere,"
said Herron. "So perhaps you shouldn't get tape revenue when you do that.
Thomson Financial, an
operating unit of The Thomson Corporation (NYSE: TOC; TSX: TOC) and leading
provider of information and technology solutions to the worldwide financial
community, and Restricted Stock Systems, Inc. (RSS), a provider of
restricted and control stock management solutions, today announced a partnership and the availability of a solution designed to automate the restricted stock sales
and compliance process on Thomson ONE Advisor.
Thomson ONE Advisor combines essential wealth management workflow tools,
real-time market data and transaction services into one comprehensive, easy-to-use solution. Thomson ONE Advisor is built on an open application framework that allows for seamless integration of content and tools from Thomson Financial, proprietary systems and third parties. Using the intuitive tools and critical data to improve productivity, financial advisors can better focus on their clients to give higher levels of service and consistent advice, ultimately growing assets under management for the firm.
RSS focuses exclusively on providing restricted and control stock solutions. Using RSS solutions significantly reduces the time intensive process of collecting and verifying shareholder information, facilitates communication between the necessary counter-parties, and automates the completion and delivery of filings necessary to transact. In addition, RSS creates audit trails and metrics throughout the process for compliance and reporting purposes.
The RSS processing engine has been extended to specifically address 10b5-1
selling plans and venture capital distributions:
* The Rule 10b5-1 Module facilitates the creation, processing and
managing of selling plans. Additionally, the RSS system allows you to publish
recommended selling plan templates in addition to tracking clients
existing, custom plans. Pro-active alerts notify all interested parties
of pending plan activities, preventing missed trades.
* The Venture Capital Module offers all of the capabilities of the RSS
system across the entire distribution, automatically creating supporting
documentation for all limited partners, tracking partner activity and
managing the cumbersome communications with external parties.
"We are delighted to have entered into a partnership with RSS to provide
this unique and innovative technology for our customers," said William
O'Conor, Managing Director, Retail Wealth Management, Thomson Financial.
"Similar to how Thomson ONE Advisor is a workflow solution that enables
investment professionals to work more effectively, the RSS solution will
enable our clients to do their job in a more simplified, efficient way."
"We are excited about the opportunity to partner with Thomson Financial,
who has demonstrated a solid footprint in the Wealth Management industry,"
said Greg Besner, CEO of RSS. "Delivering RSS via Thomson One will enable
us
to reach a much broader audience that is in need of an easier way to manage
restricted stock transactions."
About Restricted Stock Systems (RSS)
Restricted Stock Systems, Inc. (RSS) (http://www.rssgroup.com) is a leading
provider of restricted and control stock management solutions, and for
reporting corporate insider transactions. RSS solutions automate what until
now has been a complex manual process so as to significantly reduce the time
and resources involved in selling restricted stock, managing (rule 10b5-1)
insider selling plans; and automating compliance with the new stringent
requirements for reporting insider trades.
About Thomson Financial
Thomson Financial is a US$1.5 billion provider of information and
technology solutions to the worldwide financial community. Through the
widest range of products and services in the industry, Thomson Financial helps
clients in more than 70 countries make better decisions, be more productive
and achieve superior results. Thomson Financial is part of The Thomson
Corporation (http://www.thomson.com), a leading provider of value-added
information, software tools and applications to more than 20 million users in the fields
of law, tax, accounting, financial services, higher education, reference information, corporate training and assessment, scientific research and healthcare. With revenues from continuing operations of US$7.6 billion, The Thomson Corporation lists its common shares on the New York and Toronto
stock exchanges (NYSE: TOC; TSX: TOC).
http://www.rssgroup.com/
The Federal Reserve Board on Wednesday announced that it is removing all fifty-one stocks from its current List of Foreign Margin Stocks because they have not been recertified as required under procedures approved by the Board in 1990. The list is one of two methods for foreign securities to qualify as margin securities under Regulation T (Credit by Brokers and Dealers).
The list, which has been published twice each year by the Board since 1999, is composed of certain foreign equity securities that qualify as margin securities under Regulation T. Stocks on the list qualify as margin securities by meeting certain financial requirements specified in Regulation T.
In determining the qualification of particular foreign equity securities, the Board has relied on a list of proposed margin stocks submitted by the New York Stock Exchange (NYSE). The eligibility of the stocks must be certified by at least two NYSE members under procedures adopted by the NYSE and approved by the Board in 1990.
Foreign securities may also qualify as margin securities if they are deemed by the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) to have a "ready market" under its net capital rule. This includes all foreign stocks in the FTSE World Index Series.
The stocks being removed from the list are named in the attached Federal Register notice. The Board will publish a new list of foreign margin stocks if eligible securities are identified pursuant to the existing listing procedures.
http://www.federalreserve.gov/boarddocs/press/bcreg/2004/20040303/
Provides Status Report On Its $200 Million Case Against Alleged Stock Manipulators
MONTGOMERY, Texas--(BUSINESS WIRE)--Feb. 13, 2004--Endovasc Inc. (OTCBB: EVSC - News), a drug development company that pioneers new cardiovascular and metabolic drug therapies, announced today an update on the Company's civil lawsuit against J.P. Turner & Co. LLC et al Inc., Number 02-CV-7313, in the United States District Court, Southern District of New York. The complaint is for damages as a result of an alleged fraud and stock manipulation. The Company is seeking monetary damages in excess of $200,000,000.
According to Dwight Cantrell, CFO of Endovasc, "Our attorneys report the present suit against J.P. Turner & Co., LLC; CCM Group, LLC; LH Financial Services Corp.; Laurus Master Fund, Ltd.; Laurus Capital Management, LLC; Keshet Fund, L.P.; Keshet, L.P., Keshet Management, Inc.; Talbiya B. Investment Ltd.; Nesher, Ltd.; Alon Enterprises Ltd.; Balmore Fund S.A.; Libra Finance S.A.; Celeste Trust Reg.; Patrick Power; Arie Rabinowitz; Abraham Grin; David Grin; Eugene Grin; John Clarke; Thomas Hackl; Francois Morax; Gisela Kindle; Matityahu Kaniel; Seymour Braun; and Shmuel Lmakias is pending outcome of decisions on motions now before Judge Preska. Discovery in the case is stayed pending outcome. Further, our attorneys report the scope of the scheme is more widespread than originally contemplated. They anticipate filing actions on our behalf against other defendants who participated in the scheme resulting in damages to us."
According to Endovasc's attorney, James W. "Wes" Christian, "The theory of our case has been adopted by other companies that have experienced similar losses from 'death spiral' conduct by lender/investors. This spread of other cases and criminal investigations by the attorneys general or U.S. Attorneys of several states has been fueled by the civil enforcement actions and criminal complaint against Thomas Badian, his brother Andreas, and various SEC actions. Mr. Thomas Badien is currently believed to be a fugitive. The conduct of those defendants is the same type of conduct we believe our defendants have engaged in."
Attorney's John O'Quinn and James W. "Wes" Christian represent several other bulletin board companies in their claims for damages against alleged stock manipulators. The cases claim alleged SEC 10b-5 violations, stock manipulation and fraudulent misrepresentation by alleged "investors" whose true intent allegedly was to drive down the company's stock prices through short-selling in order to receive much greater amounts of the company's shares when converting from preferred stock, debenture, or other convertible provision in financing deals with targeted bulletin board companies.
About Endovasc
Endovasc, Inc., established in 1996, is an innovative drug development company with two new cardiovascular and metabolic drug therapies. Endovasc's mission is to design the delivery, and release drugs to their intended targets in an efficient and controlled manner. Endovasc's lead drug candidates include Angiogenix(TM) and Liprostin(TM). Endovasc also has a stent coating technology, PROStent(TM), in pre-clinical trials.
For more information about Endovasc, please visit www.endovasc.com.
Safe Harbor Statement
The foregoing statements are made under the "Safe Harbor" Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995 and may contain forward-looking statements that involve risks and uncertainties that may not be evident at the time of this release.
Contact:
FOCUS Partners LLC David Zazoff, 212-752-9445 evsc@focuspartners.com
Source: Endovasc Inc.
Related Companies
Wechsler Harwood LLP Files Securities Class Action Suit Against El Paso Corporation
Friday February 27, 3:02 pm ET
NEW YORK, Feb. 27, 2004 (PRIMEZONE) -- Wechsler Harwood LLP today announced that it has filed a Federal Securities fraud class action on behalf of persons or entities who purchased or otherwise acquired the securities of El Paso Corporation (NYSE:EP - News) (``El Paso'' or the ``Company'') during the period from March 31, 2003 through and including February 17, 2004 (the ``Class Period'').
The action, entitled Copland v. El Paso Corp., et al, Case No. not yet assigned, is pending in the United States District Court for the Southern District of Texas and names as defendants, the Company, its former chairman and chief executive officer Ronald L. Kuehn, Jr., its current president and chief executive officer, Douglas L. Foshee, and its executive vice president and chief financial officer, D. Dwight Scott. A copy of the complaint can be obtained from the Court or can be viewed on Wechsler Harwood web site at: http://www.whesq.com.
The complaint charges defendants with violating Sections 10(b) and 20(a) of the Securities Exchange Act of 1934 and the rules and regulations promulgated thereunder, including U.S. Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) Rule 10b-5, due to their materially misrepresenting El Paso's financial condition and thereby causing the company's stock to trade at artificially high prices during the Class Period . Specifically, it is alleged that El Paso reported strong proved global oil and natural gas reserves. Proved reserves are defined as those that can be extracted from known fields under existing economic and operating conditions and represent a key metric in assessing an oil company's future growth. All along, however, El Paso's seemingly strong financial prospects were the direct result of the defendants having artificially inflated the company's proved reserves and, correspondingly, its potential future revenue stream.
After the markets closed on February 17, 2004, El Paso shocked the investing public by announcing that an independent review of the company's proved oil and gas reserves revealed that, as of January 1, 2003, El Paso overstated such reserves by a staggering 41%, or 3.64 trillion cubic feet. The company further revealed that, as a direct result, it expects to take a pre-tax charge of approximately $1 billion for the fourth quarter of fiscal year 2004. On the heels of these revelations, El Paso's common stock fell 17.6% from a closing price of $8.81 on February 17, 2004 to a close of $7.26 on February 18, 2004.
If you purchased or otherwise acquired El Paso securities during the Class Period, you may request that the Court appoint you as lead plaintiff by April 19, 2004. A lead plaintiff is a representative party that acts on behalf of other class members in directing the litigation. In order to be appointed lead plaintiff, the Court must determine that the class member's claim is typical of the claims of other class members, and that the class member will adequately represent the class. Under certain circumstances, one or more class members may together serve as ``lead plaintiff''. Your ability to share in any recovery is not, however, affected by the decision whether or not to serve as a lead plaintiff. You may retain Wechsler Harwood, or other counsel of your choice, to serve as your counsel in this action.
Wechsler Harwood has taken a leading role in many important actions on behalf of defrauded shareholders. The Wechsler Harwood website (http://www.whesq.com) has more information about the firm and detailed information regarding this matter. If you wish to discuss this action with us, or have any questions concerning this notice or your rights and interests with regard to the case, please contact the following:
Wechsler Harwood LLP
488 Madison Avenue, 8th Floor
New York, New York 10022
Toll Free Telephone: (877) 935-7400
Craig Lowther, Wechsler Harwood Shareholder Relations Department:
clowther@whesq.com
More information on this and other class actions can be found on the Class Action Newsline at http://www.primezone.com/ca
Contact:
Wechsler Harwood LLP
Craig Lowther
Shareholder Relations Department
(877) 935-7400, ext. 257 (toll free)
clowther@whesq.com
http://biz.yahoo.com/pz/040227/53389.html
Federman & Sherwood Announces That a Class Action Lawsuit Was Filed Against El Paso Corporation
Monday March 1, 9:06 am ET
OKLAHOMA CITY, March 1 /PRNewswire/ -- Federman & Sherwood announces that a securities class action lawsuit was filed against El Paso Corporation (NYSE: EP - News; the "Company") on February 19, 2004. The class action lawsuit filed in the United States District Court for the Southern District of Texas alleges that, throughout the class period of February 22, 2000 through February 17, 2004, the Company issued materially false and misleading statements thereby artificially inflating the price of the securities of the Company.
Plaintiff seeks to recover damages on behalf of the Class. If you are a member of the Class as described above, you may move the Court no later than sixty (60) days from February 19, 2004, to serve as a lead plaintiff for the Class. However, in order to do so, you must meet certain legal requirements pursuant to the Private Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995.
If you wish to discuss this action, participate in this suit, or have any questions or concerns regarding this notice, or preservation of your rights, please contact:
William B. Federman
FEDERMAN & SHERWOOD
120 N. Robinson, Suite 2720
Oklahoma City, OK 73102
(405) 235-1560/FAX: (405) 239-2112
mailto: wfederman@aol.com
http://biz.yahoo.com/prnews/040301/dam031_1.html
The El Paso Shuffle
Should investors balk when energy companies adjust downward their estimates of proved reserves? If you ask W.D. Crotty, the answer is yes. Read on for W.D.'s take on this unsettling trend in the oil and gas sector -- and whether a shaken El Paso is a reasonable gamble.
By W.D. Crotty
March 1, 2004
Troubled natural gas producer and pipeline operator El Paso (NYSE: EP) is the latest to announce now-you-see-them, now-you-don't proved reserves. But it's the magnitude in this case that is shocking: Proved reserves were revised down 35% from 2002 year-end levels. The latest estimates will last 6.2 years at 2003 production rates, but let's face it, that is a gigantic revision.
Overlooking for a moment the very serious "mistakes" that precipitate such things, revisions of proven reserves are bad news. When reserves dip below production levels, a company slowly eats up its inventory -- and its future. Lowered proven reserves can also lead to cash flow issues, as companies spend to get reserves into the proved (i.e., ready for production) category.
El Paso's heart of darkness
By way of assurance, El Paso offers this with it latest earnings: "Ryder Scott [petroleum consultants] cited a difference of less than two percent with the company's internal reserve analysis, which it deemed as insignificant." In plain English, "The reserves now reported as proven are there, and the auditor agrees."
That makes the revisions sound like a non-event. That is, until you read that the company is taking a $1 billion "pre-tax ceiling test charge" in the fourth quarter. In other words, this does matter, even if it results in a non-cash charge. The charge would have been $1.5 billion more had natural gas prices been $5 per million British thermal units (MBtu) instead of $6. With natural gas prices now around $5.40/MBtu, further charges might well be coming.
Moody's (NYSE: MCO) and Standard & Poor's apparently didn't like what they saw. Both credit-rating agencies cut El Paso's debt one grade -- and both maintain a "negative" outlook. At absolute minimum, this confirms that reserves do matter.
Reserves defined
SEC Rule 4-10 classifies reserves as either proved, proved developed, or proved undeveloped. Reserves are proved if "economic producibility is supported by either actual production or conclusive formation test." That sounds pretty cut and dried. How can 35% of a company's reserves fall out of this category?
Proved developed oil and gas reserves are "reserves that can be expected to be recovered through existing wells with existing equipment and operating methods." When El Paso's final overall reserves are posted, some of the formerly proved reserves will fall into this category.
Proved undeveloped oil and gas reserves are "reserves that are expected to be recovered from new wells on undrilled acreage, or from existing wells where a relatively major expenditure is required for recompletion." Reserves that no longer qualify as proved developed will fall into this category.
Just a game
The current El Paso CEO (who started in September) and the senior executive for exploration and production (started three weeks ago) are on record as to why the reserve changes needed to be made. Certain explanations appear reasonable enough. With no sales agreement in Brazil, production cannot start. Others appear technical: Production in coalbed methane is booked in 160-acre blocks, while production indicates it will take 80-acre blocks (which are not yet contracted for) to meet previous production estimates.
OK, this is not exactly three-card monte at work, but it isn't transparent, conservative corporate governance, either.
And as mentioned, El Paso is not alone in recording significant reductions in proved reserves. In January, Royal Dutch/Shell -- represented by two trading stocks, Royal Dutch (NYSE: RD) and Shell Transport (NYSE: SC) -- cut its reported proven reserves of crude and natural gas by close to 3.9 billion barrels, correcting a reporting error it traces to 1996. That represented a 20% cut in proved reserves.
Forest Oil (NYSE: FST) also recently reported reserve reductions. At year-end, 25% of its reserves were reclassified from proved to proved undeveloped -- again, the lowest SEC-defined classification. The company cancelled its earnings release to provide time to evaluate the effect on its financial statements.
Nexen (NYSE: NXY), Canada's fourth-largest oil explorer and producer, reduced its reserves by 8%. With Canadian regulators tightening reporting standards, other Canadian producers are expected to report downward revisions -- but likely not so high as Nexen's.
Why so many adjustments?
The passage of Sarbanes-Oxley in 2002 set new standards for financial reporting. The law provides the SEC with the legal power to make company executives think twice before reporting anything but the facts. So far, the response to errors, even if they do not have a meaningful financial impact, has been to engage outside council to investigate why reserves were booked incorrectly, as Royal Dutch/Shell and El Paso have done.
If nothing else, Sarbanes-Oxley got executives to pay attention to reported estimates and results. For shareholders, that is good news, but it does raise the question of why the widely tracked reserve numbers were not handled more carefully in the past. Clearly, there are corporate governance issues involved, though you'd not know it by the actions of companies like Royal Dutch/Shell. The company tweaked its procedures, but, so far, its CEO hasn't paid any price beyond embarrassment.
This is important
When reserves are shuffled among categories, it might seem like small change. After all, oil is oil. Nothing's lost, just reclassified. But anyone who has been through a military draft or driven a big rig knows that classification can be everything. Classifications exist for a reason. In this case, proved reserves are the only reserves assured to be available for production.
Clearly, some companies (and some countries) have not been diligent about classifying oil and gas reserves. Others, like ChevronTexaco (NYSE: CVX), have gone out of their way to make it clear they have conservatively booked reserves. With Sarbanes-Oxley the law of the land, it looks like Chevron's methods will become the norm.
For investors, the bad news about reclassification is in the marketplace. For a company like Royal Dutch/Shell, the result is mostly a damaged reputation. The financial impact is negligible, the company has clearly identified its upcoming changes, and the stock will probably trade at a discounted price-to-earnings multiple until the company shows it is back on track.
Canadian companies like Nexen are expected to make adjustments to higher standards this year. The fallout will be minimal if the proved reserve reductions remain minimal.
End game
All that being said, for a company like El Paso, the impact of the latest revisions and accompanying publicity can be lasting. As longtime Fool Bill Mann points out:
The company exhibits three of the riskiest characteristics in investing: It's in a recovery, following spectacularly bad decisions that nearly tanked the company; it's weighed down by enormous amounts of debt, which it's obligated to service; and it requires additional financing for ongoing projects it needs to work its way out.
That is not a pretty picture. And speaking of pictures, El Paso's executives paint this one for 2006: earnings of $1 a share and net debt of $15 billion. Tempting as that buck in earnings may be, it's painted by an executive team that just joined the company. Do you really think these guys can see 2006 clearly or predict earnings with such clarity? If you do, the hydrocarbon shell game is for you.
Place your bets. But watch monte's hands. You want the shell with the $1 earnings.
Fool contributor W.D. Crotty owns stock in ChevronTexaco but none of the other companies mentioned. W.D. met monte in college and is richer for the experience. So is monte. The Motley Fool is investors writing for investors.
http://www.fool.com/news/commentary/2004/commentary040301dc.htm?source=eptyholnk303100&logvisit=...
I'd say both, but more of a very conservative warning rant...
Some observers have argued that Fannie and Freddie are simple institutions with a function that is clear to all. The evidence suggests that this is far from the case. The difficulties of creating transparent accounting standards to reflect the gains and losses associated with hedging mortgage-prepayment risk highlight that the business of taking on interest rate and prepayment risk is far from simple and is difficult to communicate to outside investors.
http://www.federalreserve.gov/boarddocs/testimony/2004/20040224/default.htm
Watch Fannie and Freddie Crumble?:
Two of the biggest market scams yet to unfold in global financial history.
Traditionally, questions of capital adequacy for financial institutions have been evaluated with regard to credit and interest rate risks. However, in the case of the GSEs and other large regulated financial institutions with significant roles in market functioning, liquidity and operation risks also need to be considered. Determining the suitable amount of capital for Fannie and Freddie is a difficult and technical process, and in the Federal Reserve's judgment, a regulator should have a free hand in determining the minimum and risk-based capital standards for these institutions.
The size of Fannie and Freddie, the complexity of their financial operations, and the general indifference of many investors to the financial condition of the GSEs because of their perceived special relationship to the government suggest that the GSE regulator must have authority similar to that of the banking regulators. In addressing the role of a new GSE regulator, the Congress needs to clarify the circumstances under which a GSE can become insolvent and, in particular, the resultant position--both during and after insolvency--of the investors that hold GSE debt. This process must be clear before it is needed; otherwise, should these institutions experience significant financial difficulty, the hands of any regulator, and of public authorities generally, would be constrained by uncertainties about the process. Left unresolved, such uncertainties would only heighten the prospect that a crisis would result in an explicit guaranteeing of GSE debt.
http://www.federalreserve.gov/boarddocs/testimony/2004/20040224/default.htm
The Bush Administration is out of control-start the next American Revolution to oust Bush! Collapse the dollar, dump all American Assets, enjoy the crisis as it unfolds.
As a general matter, we rely in a market economy upon market discipline to constrain the leverage of firms, including financial institutions. However, the existence, or even the perception, of government backing undermines the effectiveness of market discipline. A market system relies on the vigilance of lenders and investors in market transactions to assure themselves of their counterparties' strength. However, many counterparties in GSE transactions, when assessing their risk, clearly rely instead on the GSEs' perceived special relationship to the government. Thus, with housing-related GSEs, regulators cannot rely significantly on market discipline. Indeed, they must assess whether these institutions hold appropriate amounts of capital relative to the risks that they assume and the costs that they might impose on others, including taxpayers, in the event of a financial-market meltdown. The issues are similar to those that arise in the context of commercial banking and deposit insurance--indeed, they are the reason that commercial banks are regulated and subject to stringent regulatory capital standards.
http://www.federalreserve.gov/boarddocs/testimony/2004/20040224/default.htm
Fannie's and Freddie's persistently higher rates of return for bearing the relatively low credit risks associated with conforming mortgages is evidence of a significant implicit subsidy. A recent study by a Federal Reserve economist, Wayne Passmore, attempts to quantify the value of that implicit subsidy to the private shareholders of Fannie and Freddie. His research indicates that it may account for more than half of the stock market capitalization of these institutions. The study also suggests that these institutions pass little of the benefit of their government-sponsored status to homeowners in the form of lower mortgage rates.
http://www.federalreserve.gov/boarddocs/testimony/2004/20040224/default.htm
Because Fannie and Freddie can borrow at a subsidized rate, they have been able to pay higher prices to originators for their mortgages than can potential competitors and to gradually but inexorably take over the market for conforming mortgages. This process has provided Fannie and Freddie with a powerful vehicle and incentive for achieving extremely rapid growth of their balance sheets. The resultant scale gives Fannie and Freddie additional advantages that potential private-sector competitors cannot overcome. Importantly, the scale itself has reinforced investors' perceptions that, in the event of a crisis involving Fannie and Freddie, policymakers would have little alternative than to have the taxpayers explicitly stand behind the GSE debt. This view is widespread in the marketplace despite the privatization of Fannie and Freddie and their control by private shareholders, because these institutions continue to have government missions, a line of credit with the Treasury, and other government benefits, which confer upon them a special status in the eyes of many investors.
http://www.federalreserve.gov/boarddocs/testimony/2004/20040224/default.htm
Indeed, in the United States, more than $2 trillion of securitized assets currently exists with no government guarantee, either explicit or implicit.
http://www.federalreserve.gov/boarddocs/testimony/2004/20040224/default.htm
Testimony of Chairman Alan Greenspan
Government-sponsored enterprises
Before the Committee on Banking, Housing, and Urban Affairs, U.S. Senate
February 24, 2004
Mr. Chairman, Senator Sarbanes, and Members of the Committee: Thank you for inviting me to discuss the role of housing-related government-sponsored enterprises (GSEs) in our economy. These GSEs--the Federal National Mortgage Association (Fannie Mae), the Federal Home Loan Mortgage Corporation (Freddie Mac), and the Federal Home Loan Banks (FHLBs)--collectively dominate the financing of residential housing in the United States. Indeed, these entities have grown to be among the largest financial institutions in the United States, and they now stand behind more than $4 trillion of mortgages--or more than three-quarters of the single-family mortgages in the United States--either by holding the mortgage-related assets directly or assuming their credit risk.1 Given their ties to the government and the consequent private market subsidized debt that they issue, it is little wonder that these GSEs have come under increased scrutiny as their competitive presence in the marketplace has increased.
In my remarks, I will not focus on the Federal Home Loan Banks, although much of this analysis applies to them as well. In fact, because the Home Loan Banks can design their advances to encompass almost any type of risk, they are more complex to analyze than other GSEs and, hence, raise additional issues.
http://www.federalreserve.gov/boarddocs/testimony/2004/20040224/default.htm