Replies to post #16637 on *~1Best~* Market Timing & Trend-Signals

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Praise GOD, He established NWO by sending JESUS CHRIST to save all, but men are still trying to figure out and to establish NWO like the tower of Babel.

GOD Almighty reigns!!

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Wonder why the big money selected him .... Of course NWO which was established 2009 years ago when Jesus was born.

~~~>>> The announcement came as a surprise -- Obama's name had not been mentioned among front-runners -- and the roomful of reporters in Oslo, Norway, gasped when he was named.
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The committee wanted to be "far more daring" than in recent times and make an impact on global politics, said Kristian Berg Harpviken, director of the International Peace Research Institute.
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Obama awarded 2009 Nobel Peace Prize

* Story Highlights
* NEW: President Obama awarded 2009 Nobel Peace Prize
* Nobel committee praised Obama for efforts to "strengthen international diplomacy"
* Obama is third sitting U.S. president, fourth overall to receive award

(CNN) -- President Obama was awarded the 2009 Nobel Peace Prize on Friday.

The first African-American to win the White House, Obama was praised by the Norwegian Nobel Committee for "his extraordinary efforts to strengthen international diplomacy and cooperation between peoples."

"Only very rarely has a person to the same extent as Obama captured the world's attention and given its people hope for a better future," the committee said. "His diplomacy is founded in the concept that those who are to lead the world must do so on the basis of values and attitudes that are shared by the majority of the world's population."

The committee also said Obama has "created a new climate in international politics."

The announcement came as a surprise -- Obama's name had not been mentioned among front-runners -- and the roomful of reporters in Oslo, Norway, gasped when he was named.

In his short time in office, Obama has acted on a wide range of issues from the economy to terrorism and wars in Afghanistan and Iraq.

Obama also lobbied unsuccessfully to bring the 2016 Olympics to Chicago, Illinois. After returning from Denmark, Obama expressed no regret about his trip, saying it is "always a worthwhile endeavor to promote and boost the United States."

Former Finnish President Martti Ahtisaari, last year's Peace Prize laureate, said it was clear the Nobel committee wanted to encourage Obama on the issues he has been discussing on the world stage.

"I see this as an important encouragement," Ahtisaari said.

The committee wanted to be "far more daring" than in recent times and make an impact on global politics, said Kristian Berg Harpviken, director of the International Peace Research Institute.

Wangari Muta Maathai, the Kenyan who won the 2004 Peace Prize, said Obama's win will help Africa move forward.

"I think it is extraordinary," she said. "It will be even greater inspiration for the world. He has shown how we can probably come together, work together in a cooperative way."

The award comes at a crucial time for Obama, who has administration officials dispatched on global peace missions.

Obama's envoy to the Middle East, George Mitchell, has returned to the region to advocate for peace negotiations between Israelis and Palestinians. Mitchell met Thursday with Israeli President Shimon Peres. He plans to meet Friday with Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu before talking with Palestinian leaders in the West Bank.

Secretary of State Hillary Clinton starts a six-day trip to Europe and Russia on Friday. On the trip, the secretary will discuss the next steps on Iran and North Korea, and international efforts to have the two countries end their nuclear programs.

The centerpiece of the trip will be her visit to Moscow, where she will work toward an agreement to take the place of the Start II arms control pact, which expires December 5. She will also address the new bilateral presidential commission that is working on a broad range of issues, from arms control to health.

Obama became the third sitting U.S. president to win the prestigious prize. Jimmy Carter was the fourth American leader to win, but he was long out of office when he was recognized in 2002.

This year's peace prize nominees included 172 people and 33 organizations, the highest number of nominations ever. The committee does not release the names of the nominees.

The Nobel recipient receives a prize of about $1.4 million.


http://www.cnn.com/2009/WORLD/europe/10/09/nobel.peace.prize/index.html

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They, NTB, must have read this.

http://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=42327014

Obama must make a right choice. Running up deficit for ST gratification is not.

True history and God will judge his character as the President even though he may be crucified if he makes right choices and does right things.

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Puppet >>> President Obama to react to winning Nobel Peace Prize. Watch live at 10:30 a.m. ET.

It is the sad day.

He became a perma puppet.

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>> Rigoberta Menchu Won The Nobel Peace Prize Too (((~~ New Tower of Babel scam ~~ what else is new except the same old scam. ~~~)))))


By Jack Cashill

The left's attraction to the obviously false is nothing new. For well nigh a century, in fact, the world's intellectual elite has been crafting and enabling fraud on a wide range of critical subjects and, when the mood strikes, awarding intellectual deceit with Nobel Peace Prizes.

When the Nobel Peace Prize committee met to award its 1992 prize, the choices were many and good. With the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 and the fall of the Berlin Wall two years prior, committee members might have chosen any of the architects of that empire's demise-Ronald Reagan, for instance, or Margaret Thatcher or Pope John Paul II or the Soviet dissidents. They did not and never would. The committee passed as well on the heroes of Tiananmen Square.

No, this being 1992, the five-hundredth anniversary of Colombus's "discovery" of the Americas, the committee members took the opportunity to rub its thumb in America's eye. They awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for 1992 to a Guatemalan woman, an "indigena" by the name of Rigoberta Menchu.

Her autobiography, I, Rigoberta Menchu: An Indian Woman in Guatemala, had already become well known and well established in academe. The Chronicle of Higher Education accurately described the book "as a cornerstone of the multicultural canon." Does one sense a pattern developing? Menchu received fourteen honorary doctorates after winning the Nobel and received some 7,000 international speaking invitations.

At this same time, a young Stanford scholar named David Stoll was researching the anthropology of civil war in the Latin American context for his Ph.D. dissertation. He had read Menchu's book and was unapologetically sympathetic with her people and her cause. It was hard not to be.

Menchu describes in heartbreaking detail how the light-skinned, Europeanized ladino ruling class used the government to steal the land of her father and other native peoples. And when the indigenas protested, that same ruling class called in the army to suppress even peaceful dissent with unspeakable brutality. Persecuted beyond endurance, Rigoberta's heroic father goes underground in 1977 and helps form the "legendary" Committee for Campesino Unity (CUC), which allies itself with the guerilla movement. Now about eighteen, Rigoberta gets involved in the struggle. Among other tasks, she teaches villagers how to make Molotov cocktails, dig stake pits, and capture vulnerable soldiers to defend themselves from army attacks.

In the book's most dramatic scene, the army hauls a crew of suspected dissidents to the square of the Maya town of Chajul in the western highlands of Guatemala. Among the twenty-three beaten and tortured prisoners is Rigoberta's sixteen year-old brother, Petrocinio.

There, the army forces the townspeople to watch in horror as the soldiers pour gasoline on each of the prisoners and set them ablaze one by one. While the prisoners burn, the soldiers laugh and celebrate. Outraged by this ghastly spectacle, the townspeople, Rigoberta among them, rush at the soldiers, but they draw back for fear of being massacred. "I didn't think I might die," remembers Rigoberta, "I just wanted to do something, even kill a soldier. At that moment I wanted to show my aggression."

The following year, in January 1980, her father is among those protestors who occupy the Spanish embassy in Guatemala City to call attention to their increasingly desperate cause. In defiance of protocol and international law, riot police storm the embassy, and thirty-six people die in the fire that ensues, Vicente Menchu among them.

Soon after, the army kidnaps her mother, raping her and torturing her to death. Now about twenty-one, the unschooled Rigoberta becomes a community organizer with the CUC. "My job was to organize people," she recalls. "I had to learn Spanish and to read and write." As her leadership role grows, the authorities zero in on her, and she flees the country. In 1982, while in Paris, she tells her story to feminist Elisabeth Burgos-Debray, the ex-wife of international revolutionary and friend of Che Guevara, Regis Debray-the Bill Ayers of France. The pattern develops.

When Stoll first came to Rigoberta's region in 1987 to interview peasants about the cycle of violence, he learned that they feared the guerillas nearly as much as the army. They wished that both would go away. In 1989, he found himself in the infamous town of Chajul. He was interviewing an elderly gentleman named Domingo, when one of his questions left Domingo puzzled. "The army burned prisoners alive?" Domingo asked Stoll rhetorically. "Not here." Intrigued, Stoll interviewed six more townspeople, and they all told him the same thing. There had been no burning of prisoners in the town, and the public burning of a whole parcel of people is something they might have remembered. This was the first of many discrepancies that Stoll discovered.

In 1993, Stoll published a book based on his dissertation, Between Two Armies in the Ixil Towns of Guatemala. Stoll's "peers in the overlapping solidarity movement" did not take kindly to the book. They objected to the notion that the peasants were wary of the guerillas. Besides, as more than one person told him, "That's not what we read in I, Rigoberta Menchu."

Then too, the postmodern, post-colonialist era was in full flower. A white, North American male judged a native woman's "narrative" at his own risk. For the very act of judging, any number of academics stood ready to denounce such a person for cultural imperialism, if not racism. Knowing this, Stoll was careful in choosing whom he talked to about Menchu and what he told them. At small academic gatherings as early as 1990 and 1991, he had begun to share his findings, and the response was, as he expected, often hostile.

Says Stoll, "We have an unfortunate tendency to idolize native voices that serve our own political and moral needs, as opposed to others that do not." By constructing what Stoll calls "mythologies of purity," academics were able to isolate themselves from the reality of a situation often at the expense of the people they were mythologizing. And this is exactly what he thought was happening in Guatemala and why, despite the risks, Stoll felt the moral imperative to "deconstruct" Rigoberta's story.

It was not all that hard to do. Other than her age, twenty-three at the time of the narrative, just about every other contention in the book is conspicuously false. The most problematic deceit involved her father. "My father fought for twenty-two years," recalls Rigoberta, "waging a heroic struggle against the landowners who wanted to take our land and our neighbors land." The reality was a bit different. In fact, Vicente Menchu was an army veteran and a relatively prosperous landowner, who shared in a community grant of about ten square miles of property. The rapacious ladino plantation owners were not his problem. His own in-laws were. For years, much to his wife's consternation, Vicente and her relatives carried on a kind of Hatfield-McCoy dispute that occasionally spilled into violence and often spilled into court.

Stoll then raises the indelicate question of what the army was doing in this remote village in the first place. What he discovers is that a radical group called the Guerilla Army of the Poor (EGP in Spanish) showed up in the Ixil region in the spring of 1979. Few among them were indigenous. Most of the guerillas, in fact, spoke only Spanish and waved the heroic image of Che Guevara on their flag. They then proceeded to raise holy hell, beginning with vandalism and sabotage and ending with the harassment of missionaries and the murder of certain large landowners.

Understandably outraged by the murders, the families of these landowners cooperated with the army in hunting down suspects. To be sure, the army responded harshly and murdered Rigoberta's brother. One explanation Stoll heard is that the Menchus' feuding in-laws fingered Rigoberta's brother as a terrorist. His kidnapping helped spur her father to join the group that occupied the Spanish embassy. The lethal fire was likely started by a Molotov cocktail misthrown by one of the protestors. The reign of terror from both sides had been swift. Vicente Menchu died in that fire only nine months after the EGP first showed up in his region.

I, Rigoberta Menchu Stoll argues, "protected revolutionary sympathizers from the knowledge that the revolutionary movement was a bloody failure." In fact, Stoll believes that the book firmed up international support for the insurgency and helped keep the revolution alive after it had lost most of its internal political support.

Appealing as it was to feminists, Marxists, multiculturalists, and supporters of indigenous rights -- in other words, just about everyone in academia -- I, Rigoberta Menchu had quickly become a sacred text. "Rigoberta's story of oppression is analogous to a preacher reminding listeners that they are sinners," observes Stoll. "Then her story of joining the left and learning that not all outsiders are evil makes it possible for the audience to be on her side, providing a sense of absolution."

The book and subsequent articles whipped up a firestorm in the academic community. That community's Bible, The Chronicle of Higher Education, interviewed numerous academics across the country and came to a bizarrely predictable conclusion about most of those who teach the book: "They say it doesn't matter if the facts in the book are wrong, because they believe Ms. Menchu's story speaks to a greater truth about the oppression of poor people in Central America."

The Nobel Prize committee was not about to reconsider either. "All autobiographies embellish to a greater or lesser extent," Geir Lundestad, director of the Norwegian Nobel Institute, told the New York Times.

It would seem that our president is in good company.

Page Printed from: http://www.americanthinker.com/2009/10/rigoberta_menchu_won_the_nobel.html

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>> Obama's win unique among presidents ((( ~~~ He will be noted whether he is just another puppet or not ~~~)))

President Obama will donate the nearly $1.4 million award from his 2009 Nobel Peace Prize to charity, White House says.

* Story Highlights
* President Obama is fourth U.S. president to receive Nobel Peace Prize
* He is honored for inspiring hope at the beginning of his presidency
* Jimmy Carter, Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson are past honorees
* Nobel committee: Obama has created "new climate in international politics"

(CNN) -- In winning the Nobel Peace Prize, President Obama joins an elite group of U.S. presidents. He is the fourth to win the prize, the third to win it while in office and the first to receive it during his first year in office.

Unlike his predecessors, Obama was selected not for substantive accomplishments, but for his "vision" and inspiring "hope" at the beginning of his presidency.

"For 108 years, the Norwegian Nobel Committee has sought to stimulate precisely that international policy and those attitudes for which Obama is now the world's leading spokesman," the committee said, explaining its decision.

In comments at the White House on Friday, Obama said he did not view the award "as a recognition of my own accomplishments. But rather as an affirmation of American leadership. ... I will accept this award as a call to action." VideoWatch Obama react to receiving the prize »

President Theodore Roosevelt won the prize in 1906, as did President Woodrow Wilson in 1919. Former President Carter had been out of office for more than 20 years when he won in 2002.

Former Vice President Al Gore shared the prize in 2007.

The Nobel committee's Web site describes Roosevelt as president and "collaborator of various peace treaties." The site points out that he "took the initiative in opening the international Court of Arbitration at The Hague." The United States and Mexico presented a difference before the court, and, "When this example was followed by other powers, the arbitration machinery ... was finally called into operation."

Roosevelt also "played a prominent part in extending the use of arbitration to international problems in the Western Hemisphere" and "offered his good offices as mediator between Russia and Japan," which helped lead to a 1905 peace treaty ending the Russo-Japanese War, the Web site said.

The site noted that Wilson was not only president but founder of the League of Nations.

Wilson led the nation through World War I, but "people everywhere saw in his peace aims the vision of a world in which freedom, justice and peace could flourish."

At the 1919 Peace Conference in Versailles, France, he "failed to carry his total conception of an ideal peace, but he did secure the adoption of the Covenant of the League of Nations," the site noted, adding that his "major failure" was at home "when the Senate declined to approve American acceptance of the League of Nations."

The Nobel site said Carter was selected "for his decades of untiring effort to find peaceful solutions to international conflicts, to advance democracy and human rights, and to promote economic and social development."

"During his presidency (1977-1981), Carter's mediation was a vital contribution to the Camp David Accords between Israel and Egypt, in itself a great enough achievement to qualify for the Nobel Peace Prize," the committee said in 2002, adding that after his presidency Carter took on "extensive and persevering conflict resolution on several continents."

And Gore was chosen, along with the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, "for their efforts to build up and disseminate greater knowledge about man-made climate change, and to lay the foundations for the measures that are needed to counteract such change."

Gore "is probably the single individual who has done most to create greater worldwide understanding of the measures that need to be adopted," the committee said in its 2007 announcement.

In its announcement Friday, the committee praised Obama for bringing about a shift in tone. VideoWatch as the Nobel committee chairman explains Obama's selection »

"The committee has attached special importance to Obama's vision of and work for a world without nuclear weapons," the statement said.

"Obama has as president created a new climate in international politics. Multilateral diplomacy has regained a central position, with emphasis on the role that the United Nations and other international institutions can play. Dialogue and negotiations are preferred as instruments for resolving even the most difficult international conflicts."

The committee added, "Only very rarely has a person to the same extent as Obama captured the world's attention and given its people hope for a better future."

All AboutNobel Peace Prize • Jimmy Carter • Barack Obama