Trump Has a Serious Conflict-of-Interest Problem. Maybe Congress Will Investigate Him. House Democrats sent a letter to the same committtee that has gone after Clinton.
AJ Vicens Nov. 14, 2016 3:09 PM
Mike Segar/Zuma
Rep. Elijah Cummings (D-Md.) requested a formal congressional investigation into Donald Trump's "financial arrangements" Monday, urging a key congressional committee to examine the president-elect's sprawling business empire for any conflicts of interests.
"I am writing to request that the Oversight Committee immediately begin conducting a review of President-elect Donald Trump's financial arrangements to ensure that he does not have any actual or perceived conflicts of interest, and that he and his advisors comply with all legal and regulatory ethical requirements when he assumes the presidency," Cummings wrote in a Nov. 14 letter to Rep. Jason Chaffetz (R-Utah), who chairs the House Oversight and Government Reform Committee.
Cummings, the top Democrat on the committee, wrote that the United States has "never had a president like Mr. Trump in terms of his vast financial entanglements and his widespread business interests around the globe." Given Trump's refusal to release his tax returns, Cummings added, it's impossible to know how the real estate mogul's many businesses will affect his future decision-making.
A spokeswoman for Chaffetz did not immediately respond to a request for comment. Trump spokeswoman Hope Hicks also did not respond to a request for comment.
It's no secret that Trump's conflicts of interest are extensive. As Russ Choma reported [ http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2016/06/trump-german-loan-deutsche-bank ] in Mother Jones this summer, Trump has at least $364 million in loans through Deutsche Bank, an organization that is currently negotiating with the US Department of Justice regarding a $4 billion to $5 billion settlement for "misselling of mortgage-backed securities in the run up to the financial crisis of 2008," according to CNBC. [ http://www.cnbc.com/2016/10/05/deutsche-bank-shares-seesaw-as-speculation-of-a-doj-settlement-grows.html ] The New York Times reported in August that Trump has a "maze" of real estate holdings, [ http://www.nytimes.com/2016/08/21/us/politics/donald-trump-debt.html?_r=0 ] and the companies he owns "have at least $650 million in debt," twice the amount reported in public filings released at the start of his presidential campaign. Two companies holding some of that debt, the Times reports, are the Bank of China and Goldman Sachs.
Chaffetz's committee has been one of the leading Republican vehicles for attacking Hillary Clinton over her use of a private email server during her time as secretary of state, and Chaffetz has said that his committee's investigation of Clinton and her former staff would not stop after the election.
"For the past six years, you and other Republicans in Congress have launched numerous investigations against President Obama and Secretary Clinton, and some of these have been used for partisan political purposes," Cummings wrote. "Now that Republicans control the White House and Congress, it is incumbent on you and other Republicans to conduct robust oversight over Mr. Trump—not for partisan reasons, but to ensure that our government operates effectively and efficiently and combats even the perception of corruption or abuse."
The president-elect reportedly wants special clearances for his kids and his son-in-law—none of whom have an official government role or experience in government.
Gideon Resnick 11.15.16 11:40 AM ET
Donald Trump wants top secret clearance for his children while he is president, CBS reports. The president-elect has reportedly begun asking how he could secure top-level clearance for his adult children and son-in-law, most of whom are currently helming his transition team. Only official government employees and contractors can receive security clearance. Trump’s daughter Ivanka, and sons Eric and Donald Jr., and son-in-law Jared Kushner are currently part of his transition effort, but none have any official government role, or experience in government. CBS’s Julianne Goldman reports that Trump’s adult children would run his business and work as unpaid national security advisors, to skirt nepotism rules. Their suggested dual roles would invite an unprecedented conflict of interests.
During an interview with Trump and his family on 60 Minutes, Eric Trump said that the children would remain in New York to run their father’s business. “So we’ll—we’ll—we’ll be in New York and we’ll take care of the business,” the younger Trump said. “I think we’re going to have a lot of fun doing it. And we’re going to make him very proud.”
Ivanka Trump also said that she would not be interested in a formal role in the upcoming administration. “I’m going to be a daughter,” she said when asked about a possible role. “But I’ve— I’ve said throughout the campaign that I am very passionate about certain issues. And that I want to fight for them.”
A former Obama administration official told The Daily Beast that Trump could simply be asking for them to be cleared so they can have unescorted access to parts of the West Wing. Even First Ladies have to be cleared to access that part of the White House, but that doesn’t mean they have access to top secret areas like the Situation Room, the official said, speaking anonymously because he was not authorized to discuss the clearance process publicly. The lowest level of clearance is called “Yankee White” which could be what Trump is seeking.
Eric, Ivanka, and Donald Trump Jr. did not immediately respond to requests to comment for this story.
If the alleged request was only for the reason suggested by the ex-Obama official then maybe it's not so outrageous as it first feels, but if it's at all in Trump's mind the clearance would be good so he could talk to his family about things he shouldn't be talking to them about then it seems some serious evidence that Trump still doesn't have a clue about the position he has found himself unexpectedly in.
This buried a bit over half-way down in yours ..
-- Trump team rivalries spark infighting Veterans of the Trump campaign see many of the same old patterns emerging again. [INSERT HERE FROM ARTICLE But perhaps the biggest power base is Trump’s own family. His adult children and especially his son-in-law Kushner have unrivaled clout with the president-elect, and have not shied away from using it to spur personnel changes.] http://www.politico.com/story/2016/11/donald-trump-team-rivals-231277 --
suggests the alleged secret clearance request in Trump's mind could be for more than just freedom of way in more areas of the West Wing.
On this Monday, Nov. 14th 2016 edition of the Alex Jones Show, freedom philosopher Stefan Molyneux explains the media’s ongoing battle to regain control over public opinion and why it won’t work. The media is now quoting Trump out of context in an attempt to divide him from his supporters. Also, Trump insider Roger Stone reveals what’s going on behind the scenes of the Trump transitionary team.
President Obama takes questions from the press for the first time since the election of Donald Trump before his trip overseas. Before leaving, Obama planned to face reporters at an afternoon White House news conference certain to be dominated by questions about the 2016 election and its consequences for U.S. policy and Obama's own legacy.
*
Press Conference by the President
James S. Brady Briefing Room November 14, 2016
3:35 P.M. EDT
THE PRESIDENT: Hello, everybody. Hello, hello.
Hello, everybody. In a couple hours, I’ll be departing on my final foreign trip as President. And while we’re abroad, I’ll have a chance to take a few of your questions, but I figured why wait? I know that there’s a lot of domestic issues that people are thinking about, so I wanted to see if I could clear out some of the underbrush so that when we're overseas, and people are asking about foreign policy questions, people don't feel obliged to tack on three other questions to them.
Let me -- I know you still will. (Laughter.) That I'm aware, but I'm trying something out here. First of all, let me mention three brief topics.
First of all, as I discussed with the President-elect on Thursday, my team stands ready to accelerate in the next steps that are required to ensure a smooth transition. And we are going to be staying in touch as we travel. I remember what it was like when I came in eight years ago. It is a big challenge. This office is bigger than any one person. And that’s why ensuring a smooth transition is so important.
It’s not something that the Constitution explicitly requires, but it is one of those norms that are vital to a functioning democracy -- similar to norms of civility and tolerance, and a commitment to reason and to facts and analysis. It's part of what makes this country work. And as long as I’m President, we are going to uphold those norms and cherish and uphold those ideals.
As I’ve told my staff, we should be very proud that their work has already ensured that when we turn over the keys the car is in pretty good shape. We are indisputably in a stronger position today than we were when I came in eight years ago. Jobs have been growing for 73 straight months. Incomes are rising. Poverty is falling. The uninsured rate is at the lowest level on record. Carbon emissions have come down without impinging on our growth.
And so my instructions to my team are that we run through the tape. We make sure that we finish what we started, that we don't let up in these last couple of months, because my goal is, on January 21st, America is in the strongest position possible and hopefully there’s an opportunity for the next President to build on that.
Number two, our work has also helped to stabilize the global economy. And because there is one President at a time, I’ll spend this week reinforcing America’s support for the approaches that we’ve taken to promote economic growth and global security on a range of issues.
I look forward to my first visit in Greece. And then, in Germany, I’ll visit with Chancellor Merkel, who’s probably been my closest international partner these past eight years. I’ll also signal our solidarity with our closest allies, and express our support for a strong, integrated, and united Europe. It’s essential to our national security and it's essential to global stability. And that’s why the Transatlantic Alliance and the NATO Alliance have endured for decades under Democratic and Republican administrations.
Finally, in Peru, I’ll meet with the leaders of countries that have been the focus of our foreign policy through our rebalance in the Asia Pacific. This is a time of great change in the world. But America has always been a pillar of strength and a beacon of hope to peoples around the globe. And that’s what it must continue to be.
Finally, on a personal note, Michelle and I want to offer our deepest condolences to Gwen Ifill’s family and to all of you, her colleagues, on her passing. Gwen was a friend of ours. She was an extraordinary journalist. She always kept faith with the fundamental responsibilities of her profession -- asking tough questions, holding people in power accountable, and defending a strong and free press that makes our democracy work.
I always appreciated Gwen’s reporting, even when I was at the receiving end of one of her tough and thorough interviews. Whether she reported from a convention floor or from the field, whether she sat at the debate moderator’s table or at the anchor desk, she not only informed today’s citizens, but she also inspired tomorrow’s journalists. She was an especially powerful role model for young women and girls who admired her integrity, her tenacity, and her intellect -- and for whom she blazed a trail as one-half of the first all-female anchor team on network news.
So Gwen did her country a great service. Michelle and I join her family and her colleagues, and everybody else who loved her in remembering her fondly today.
So, with that, I'm going to take some questions. And because Josh Earnest has some pull around here, he just happened to put at the top of the list Colleen Nelson of the Wall Street Journal.
My understanding is, Colleen, that this is wrapping up your stint here and you're going to Kansas City.
Q Correct.
THE PRESIDENT: Josh just happens to be from Kansas City. (Laughter.) So I didn’t know if there was any coincidence there. But we wish you the very best of luck in your new endeavors.
Q As it turns out, there’s no place like Kansas City.
THE PRESIDENT: There you go.
Q You're about to embark on your final foreign trip. What will you say to other world leaders about your successor? They’ve expressed many of the same misgivings that you have about Donald Trump. Should they be worried about the future of U.S. foreign policy? And secondly, as Democrats scramble to regroup after a pretty shocking upset, what is your advice about where the party goes now? And who should lead your party?
THE PRESIDENT: One of the great things about the United States is that when it comes to world affairs, the President obviously is the leader of the executive branch, the Commander-in-Chief, the spokesperson for the nation, but the influence and the work that we have is the result not just of the President, it is the result of countless interactions and arrangements and relationships between our military and other militaries, and our diplomats and other diplomats, and intelligence officers and development workers. And there's enormous continuity beneath the day-to-day news that makes us that indispensable nation when it comes to maintaining order and promoting prosperity around the world. That will continue.
In my conversation with the President-elect, he expressed a great interest in maintaining our core strategic relationships. And so one of the messages I will be able to deliver is his commitment to NATO and the Transatlantic Alliance. I think that's one of the most important functions I can serve at this stage, during this trip, is to let them know that there is no weakening of resolve when it comes to America's commitment to maintaining a strong and robust NATO relationship, and a recognition that those alliances aren’t just good for Europe, they're good for the United States, and they're vital for the world.
With respect to the Democratic Party, look, as I said in the Rose Garden right after the election, when your team loses, everybody gets deflated and it's hard and it's challenging. And so I think it's a healthy thing for the Democratic Party to go through some reflection. I think it's important for me not to be big-footing that conversation. I think we want to see new voices and new ideas emerge. That's part of the reason why I think term limits are a really useful thing.
The Democrats should not waver on our core beliefs and principles; The belief that we should an economy that works for everybody, not just a few. The belief that America, at its best, is inclusive and not exclusive. That we insist on the dignity and God-given potential and worth of every child, regardless of race, or gender, or sexual orientation, or what zip code they were born in. That we are committed to a world in which we keep America safe, but we recognize that our power doesn’t just flow from our extraordinary military, it also flows from the strength of our ideals and our principles and our values.
So there are going to be a core set of values that shouldn’t be up for debate, should be our North Star. But how we organize politically I think is something that we should spend some time thinking about. I believe that we have better ideas. But I also believe that good ideas don’t matter if people don’t hear them. And one of the issues that Democrats have to be clear on is that, given population distribution across the country, we have to compete everywhere. We have to show up everywhere. We have to work at a grassroots level -- something that's been a running thread in my career.
I won Iowa not because the demographics dictated that I would win Iowa, it was because I spent 87 days going to every small town and fair and fish fry and VFW hall. And there were some counties where I might have lost, but maybe I lost by 20 points instead of 50 points. There are some counties maybe I won that people didn’t expect because people had a chance to see you and listen to you and get a sense of who you stood for and who you were fighting for.
And the challenge for a national party is how do you dig in there and create those kinds of structures so that people have a sense of what it is that you stand for. And that increasingly is difficult to do just through a national press story. It’s increasingly difficult to do because of the splintering of the press.
And so I think the discussions that have been taking place about how do you build more grassroots organizing, how do you build up state parties and local parties and schoolboard elections you’re paying attention to, and state rep races and city council races -- that all I think will contribute to stronger outcomes in the future.
And I’m optimistic that will happen. For Democrats who are feeling completely discouraged, I’ve been trying to remind them everybody remembers my Boston speech in 2004; they may not remember me showing up here in 2005 when John Kerry had lost a close election, Tom Daschle, the leader of the Senate, had been beaten in an upset. Ken Salazar and I were the only two Democrats that won nationally. Republicans controlled the Senate and the House. And two years later, Democrats were winning back Congress, and four years later, I was President of the United States.
Things change pretty rapidly. But they don’t change inevitably. They change because you work for it. Nobody said democracy was supposed to be easy. This is hard. And in a big country like this, it probably should be hard.
Mark Knoller.
Q Thank you, sir.
THE PRESIDENT: Good to see you.
Q Thank you. Good to see you. Mr. President, what can you tell us about the learning curve on becoming President? Can you tell us how long it took you before you were fully at ease in the job, if that ever happens? And did you discuss this matter with President-elect Trump?
THE PRESIDENT: About a week ago I started feeling pretty good. (Laughter.) No, look, I think the learning curve always continues. This is a remarkable job. It is like no other job on Earth. And it is a constant flow of information and challenges and issues. That is truer now than it has ever been, partly because of the nature of information and the interconnection between regions of the world.
If you were President 50 years ago, the tragedy in Syria might not even penetrate what the American people were thinking about on a day-to-day basis. Today, they’re seeing vivid images of a child in the aftermath of a bombing. There was a time when if you had a financial crisis in Southeast Asia somewhere, it had no impact on our markets; today it does.
So the amount of information, the amount of incoming that any administration has to deal with today -- and respond to much more rapidly than ever before -- that makes it different. I was watching a documentary, that during the Bay of Pigs crisis, JFK had about two weeks before anybody reported on it. Imagine that. I think it’s fair to say that if something like that happens under a current President, they’ve got to figure out in about an hour what their response is.
So these are the kinds of points that I shared with the President-elect. It was a free-flowing and, I think, useful conversation. I hope it was. I tried to be as honest as I could about the things I think any President coming in needs to think about. And probably the most important point that I made was that how you staff -- particularly your chief of staff, your national security advisor, your White House counsel -- how you set up a process and a system to surface information, generate options for a President, understanding that ultimately the President is going to be the final decision-maker, that that’s something that has to be attended to right away.
I have been blessed by having -- and I admittedly am biased -- some of the smartest, hardest-working, good people in my administration that I think any President has ever had. And as a consequence of that team, I’ve been able to make good decisions. And if you don’t have that around you, then you’ll get swamped. So I hope that he appreciated that advice.
What I also discussed was the fact that I had been encouraged by his statements on election night about the need for unity and his interest in being the President for all people, and that how he staffs, the first steps he takes, the first impressions he makes, the reset that can happen after an election -- all those things are important and should be thought about. And I think it’s important to give him the room and the space to do that. It takes time to put that together.
But I emphasized to him that, look, in an election like this that was so hotly contested and so divided, gestures matter. And how he reaches out to groups that may not have supported him, how he signals his interest in their issues or concerns, I think those are the kinds of things that can set a tone that will help move things forward once he’s actually taken office.
Q And how long did it take before you were at ease in the job?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, I didn't really have time to worry about being at ease, because you’ll recall we were losing about 800,000 jobs a month.
So the good news is that in some ways my experience is atypical. It’s hard to find an analogous situation. By the time FDR came into office, the Depression had been going on for a couple of years. We were in the midst of a free fall. The financial system was locking up. The auto industry was about to go belly up. The housing market had entirely collapsed. So one of the advantages that I had was that I was too busy to worry about how acclimated I was feeling in the job. We just had to make a bunch of decisions.
In this situation, we're turning over a country that has challenges, has problems, and obviously there are people out there who are feeling deeply disaffected -- otherwise, we wouldn’t have had the results that we had in the election. On the other hand, if you look at the basic indicators of where the country is right now, the unemployment rate is as low as it’s been in eight, nine years. Incomes and wages have both gone up over the last year faster than they have in a decade or two. We've got historically low uninsured rates. The financial systems are stable. The stock market is hovering around its all-time high, and 401(k)s have been restored. The housing market has recovered.
We have challenges internationally, but our most immediate challenge with respect to ISIL, we're seeing significant progress in Iraq, and Mosul is now increasingly being retaken by Iraqi security forces supported by us. Our alliances are in strong shape. The progress we've made with respect to carbon emissions has been greater than any country on Earth. And gas is two bucks a gallon.
So he will have time and space I think to make judicious decisions. The incoming administration doesn't have to put out a huge number of fires. They may want to take the country in a significantly different direction, but they've got time to consider what exactly they want to achieve. And that's a testament to the tremendous work that my team has done over the last eight years. I’m very proud of them for it.
Athena Jones.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. You said more than once that you do not believe that Donald Trump would ever be elected President, and that you thought he was unfit for the office. Now that you've spent time with him, sitting down and talking to him for an hour and a half in the Oval Office, do you now think that President-elect Trump is qualified to be President?
And if I can do a compound question, the other one is you mentioned staffing and tone. What do you say to those Americans who may not doubt that there will be a peaceful transition but that are concerned about some of the policies and sentiments that were expressed by President-elect Trump himself or his supporters that may seem hostile to minorities and others? Specifically, I’m talking about the announcement that Steve Bannon, who is a proponent of the so-called alt-right movement, what many call the white nationalist movement, is going to have a prominent role in the White House under President Trump as his chief strategist and senior advisor. What message does that send to the country, to the world?
THE PRESIDENT: Athena, without copping out, I think it’s fair to say that it would not be appropriate for me to comment on every appointment that the President-elect starts making if I want to be consistent with the notion that we're going to try to facilitate a smooth transition.
Look, the people have spoken. Donald Trump will be the next President, the 45th President of the United States. And it will be up to him to set up a team that he thinks will serve him well and reflect his policies. And those who didn’t vote for him have to recognize that that's how democracy works. That's how this system operates.
When I won, there were a number of people who didn’t like me and didn’t like what I stood for. And I think that whenever you've got an incoming President of the other side, particularly in a bitter election like this, it takes a while for people to reconcile themselves with that new reality. Hopefully it's a reminder that elections matter and voting counts. And so I don’t know how many times we have to relearn this lesson, because we ended up having 43 percent of the country not voting who were eligible to vote. But it makes a difference.
So given that President-elect Trump is now trying to balance what he said in the campaign and the commitments he made to his supporters with working with those who disagreed with him, and members of Congress, and reaching out to constituencies that didn’t vote for him, I think it's important for us to let him make his decisions. And I think the American people will judge over the course of the next couple of years whether they like what they see, and whether these are the kinds of policies and this is the direction that they want to see the country go in.
And my role is to make sure that when I hand off this White House that it is in the best possible shape and that I've been as helpful as I can to him in going forward and building on the progress that we've made.
And my advice, as I said, to the President-elect when we had our discussions was that campaigning is different from governing. I think he recognizes that. I think he's sincere in wanting to be a successful President and moving this country forward. And I don’t think any President ever comes in saying to themselves, I want to figure out how to make people angry or alienate half the country. I think he's going to try as best he can to make sure that he delivers, not only for the people who voted for him, but for the people at large. And the good thing is, is that there are going to be elections coming up, so there's a built-in incentive for him to try to do that.
But it's only been six days. And I think it will be important for him to have the room to staff up, to figure out what his priorities are, to be able to distinguish between what he was campaigning on and what is practical, what he can actually achieve. There are certain things that make for good sound bites but don’t translate into good policy. And that's something that he and his team, I think, will wrestle with, in the same way that every President wrestles with.
I did say to him, as I've said publicly, that because of the nature of the campaigns, and the bitterness and ferocity of the campaigns, that it's really important to try to send some signals of unity, and to reach out to minority groups or women or others that were concerned about the tenor of the campaign. And I think that's something that he will want to do. But this is all happening real fast. He's got commitments to supporters that helped to get him here, and he's going to have to balance those. And over the coming weeks and months and years, my hope is, is that those impulses ultimately win out. But it's a little too early to start making judgments on that.
Q And your view of his qualifications. Has that changed after meeting with him?
THE PRESIDENT: I think that he successfully mobilized a big chunk of the country to vote for him, and he's going to win -- he has won. He's going to be the next President. And regardless of what experience or assumptions he brought to the office, this office has a way of waking you up. And those aspects of his positions or predispositions that don’t match up with reality he will find shaken up pretty quick, because reality has a way of asserting itself.
And some of his gifts that obviously allowed him to execute one of the biggest political upsets in history -- those are ones that hopefully he will put to good use on behalf of all the American people.
Scott Horsley.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. You’re off to Europe, which is facing some of the same populous pressures we see at work in this country. When you spoke at the U.N., you talked about the choice we're facing between integration and building walls. What choice do you think the American people made last week? And is there still a chance for what you called a course correction before Europeans make some of their choices?
THE PRESIDENT: I think the American people recognize that the world has shrunk, that it’s interconnected, that you’re not going to put that genie back in the bottle. The American people recognize that their careers, or their kids’ careers are going to have to be more dynamic -- that they might not be working at a single plant for 30 years, but they might have to change careers. They might have to get more education. They might have to retool or retrain.
And I think the American people are game for that. They want to make sure that the rules of the game are fair. And what that means is that if you look at surveys around Americans’ attitudes on trade, the majority of the American people still support trade. But they’re concerned about whether or not trade is fair, and whether we’ve got the same access to other countries’ markets as they have with us; is there just a race to the bottom when it comes to wages, and so forth.
Now, I made an argument -- thus far, unsuccessfully -- that the trade deal we had organized, TPP, did exactly that, that it strengthened workers’ rights and environmental rights, leveled the playing field and, as a consequences, would be good for American workers and American businesses. But that’s a complex argument to make when people remember plants closing and jobs being offshored.
So part of what I think this election reflected was people wanting that course correction that you described. And the message around stopping surges of immigration, not creating new trade deals that may be unfair -- I think those were themes that played a prominent role in the campaign.
As we now shift to governing, my argument is that we do need to make sure that we have an orderly, lawful immigration process, but that if it is orderly and lawful, immigration is good for our economy. It keeps this country young. It keeps it dynamic. We have entrepreneurs and strivers who come here and are willing to take risks. And that’s part of the reason why America, historically, has been successful. It’s part of the reason why our economy is stronger and better positioned than most of our other competitors, is because we got a younger population that’s more dynamic.
When it comes to trade, I think when you’re governing, it will become increasingly apparent that if you were to just eliminate trade deals with Mexico, for example, well, you’ve got a global supply chain. The parts that are allowing auto plants that were about to shut down to now employ double shifts is because they’re bringing in some of those parts to assemble out of Mexico. And so it’s not as simple as it might have seemed.
And the key for us -- when I say “us,” I mean Americans, but I think particularly for progressives -- is to say your concerns are real, your anxieties are real; here’s how we fix them: Higher minimum wage. Stronger worker protections so workers have more leverage to get a bigger piece of the pie. Stronger financial regulations, not weaker ones. Yes to trade, but trade that ensures that these other countries that trade with us aren’t engaging in child labor, for example. Being attentive to inequality and not tone deaf to it, but offering prescriptions that are actually going to help folks that are in communities that feel forgotten.
That’s going to be our most important strategy. And I think we can successfully do that. People will still be looking to the United States. Our example will still carry great weight. And it continues to be my strong belief that the way we are going to make sure that everybody feels a part of this global economy is not by shutting ourselves off from each other even if we could, but rather by working together more effectively than we have in the past.
Martha Raddatz.
Q Thanks, Mr. President. We heard some of the harsh words you had about Mr. Trump, calling him “temperamentally unfit to be Commander-in-Chief.” Did anything surprise you about President-elect Trump when you met with him in your office? And also I want to know, does anything concern you about a Trump presidency?
THE PRESIDENT: Well, we had a very cordial conversation. And that didn't surprise me to some degree because I think that he is obviously a gregarious person. He’s somebody who I think likes to mix it up and to have a vigorous debate.
And what’s clear is that he was able to tap into, yes, the anxiety, but also the enthusiasm of his voters in a way that was impressive. And I said so to him, because I think that to the extent that there were a lot of folks who missed the Trump phenomenon, I think that connection that he was able to make with his supporters that was impervious to events that might have sunk another candidate, that's powerful stuff.
I also think that he is coming to this office with fewer set hard-and-fast policy prescriptions than a lot of other Presidents might be arriving with. I don't think he is ideological. I think ultimately he’s pragmatic in that way. And that can serve him well, as long as he’s got good people around him and he has a clear sense of direction.
Do I have concerns? Absolutely. Of course, I’ve got concerns. He and I differ on a whole bunch of issues. But the federal government and our democracy is not a speedboat, it’s an ocean liner -- as I discovered when I came into office. It took a lot of really hard work for us to make significant policy changes -- even in our first two years, when we had larger majorities than Mr. Trump will enjoy when he comes into office.
And one of the things I advised him to do was to make sure that before he commits to certain courses of action, he’s really dug in and thought through how various issues play themselves out. I’ll use an obvious example where we have a difference, but it will be interesting to see what happens in the coming year, and that's the Affordable Care Act.
So obviously this has been the Holy Grail for Republicans over the last six, seven years -- was “we've got to kill Obamacare.” Now, that has been taken as an article of faith -- that this is terrible, it doesn’t work and we have to undo it.
But now that Republicans are in charge, they got to take a look and say, let's see, we got 20 million people who have health insurance who didn’t have it before; health care costs generally have gone up at a significantly slower rate since Obamacare was passed than they did before, which has saved the federal Treasury hundreds of billions of dollars; people who have health insurance are benefitting in all sorts of ways that they may not be aware of -- everything from no longer having lifetime limits on the claims that they can make, to seniors getting prescription drug discounts under Medicare, to free mammograms.
Now, it's one thing to characterize this thing as not working when it's just an abstraction. Now, suddenly, you're in charge and you're going to repeal it. Okay, well, what happens to those 20 million people who have health insurance? Are you going to just kick them off and suddenly they don’t have health insurance? And in what ways are their lives better because of that? Are you going to repeal the provision that ensures that if you do have health insurance on your job, and you lose your job or you change jobs or you start a small business that you're not discriminated against because you've got a preexisting condition? That's really popular. How are you going to replace it? Are you going to change the policy that kids can stay on their parents' health insurance plan until they're 26? How are you going to approach all these issues?
Now, my view is that if they can come up with something better that actually works, and a year or two after they've replaced the Affordable Care Act with their own plan, that 25 million people have health insurance, and it's cheaper and better and running smoothly, I'll be the first one to say, that's great -- congratulations.
If, on the other hand, whatever they're proposing results in millions of people losing coverage, and results in people who already have health insurance losing protections that were contained in the legislation, then we're going to have a problem. And I think that's not going to be unique to me; I think the American people will respond that way.
So I think on a lot of issues, what you're going to see is now comes the hard part. Now is governance. We are going to be able to present to the incoming administration a country that is stronger, a federal government that is working better and more efficiently; a national security apparatus that is both more effective and truer to our values; energy policies that are resulting in not just less pollution, but also more jobs.
And I think the President-elect, rightly, would expect that he's judged on whether we improve from that baseline and on those metrics, or things get worse. And if things get worse, then the American people will figure that out pretty quick. And if things get better, then more power to him. And I'll be the first to congratulate him.
Q Mr. President, you had talked specifically about his temperament. Do you still have any concern about his temperament?
THE PRESIDENT: As I said -- because, Athena asked the question -- whatever you bring to this office, this office has a habit of magnifying and pointing out, and hopefully then you correct for it.
This may seem like a silly example, but I know myself well enough to know I can't keep track of paper. I am not well organized in that way. And so pretty quickly, after I'm getting stacks of briefing books coming in every night, I say to myself, I've got to figure out a system because I have bad filing, sorting and organizing habits. And I've got to find some people who can help me keep track of this stuff. That seems trivial, but actually it ends up being a pretty big piece of business.
I think what will happen with the President-elect is there are going to be certain elements of his temperament that will not serve him well unless he recognizes them and corrects them. Because when you're a candidate and you say something that is inaccurate or controversial, it has less impact than it does when you're President of the United States. Everybody around the world is paying attention. Markets move. National security issues require a level of precision in order to make sure that you don't make mistakes. And I think he recognizes that this is different, and so do the American people.
All right, I'm going to take just a couple more questions and then I get out of here.
Nadia Bilbassy.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. President-elect Trump threatened to unravel the Iran nuclear deal that your administration worked very hard to get. What would be a concern if he alters part of it? And what would your advice be, considering that he said he’s open to advice?
And on Syria, sir, the Syrian regime now is threatening Aleppo with massive destruction. You spoke passionately a few years back about Benghazi and you warned against the killing of civilians there. Many people criticized your administration for the shortcoming of the Syria policy. Are you willing to admit any fault under your watch? And how do you act with President-elect Trump says that he won't support the Syrian opposition? Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Iran is a good example of the gap I think between some of the rhetoric in this town -- not unique to the President-elect -- and the reality. I think there was a really robust debate about the merits of the Iran deal before it was completed. And I actually was pretty proud of how our democracy processed that. It was a serious debate. I think people of goodwill were on both sides of the issue. Ultimately, we were able to persuade members of Congress and the public -- at least enough of them -- to support it.
At the time, the main argument against it was Iran wouldn’t abide by the deal, that they would cheat. We now have over a year of evidence that they have abided by the agreement. That's not just my opinion, it's not just people in my administration. That's the opinion of Israeli military and intelligence officers who are part of a government that vehemently opposed the deal.
So my suspicion is, is that when the President-elect comes in, and he’s consulting with his Republican colleagues on the Hill, that they will look at the facts. Because to unravel a deal that's working and preventing Iran from pursuing a nuclear weapon would be hard to explain -- particularly if the alternative were to have them freed from any obligations and go ahead and pursue a weapon.
And keep in mind this is not just an international agreement between us and the Iranians; this is between the P5+1, other countries, some of our closest allies. And for us to pull out would then require us to start sanctioning those other countries in Europe or China or Russia that were still abiding by the deal because, from their perspective, Iran had done what it was supposed to do.
So it becomes more difficult I think to undo something that’s working than undo something that isn’t working. And when you’re not responsible for it, I think you can call it a terrible deal. When you are responsible for the deal and preventing Iran from getting a nuclear weapon, you’re more likely to look at the facts.
That is going to be true in other circumstances. For example, the Paris agreement. There’s been a lot of talk about the possibility of undoing this international agreement. Now, you’ve got 200 countries that have signed up to this thing. And the good news is that what we’ve been able to show over the last five, six, eight years is that it’s possible to grow the economy really fast and possible to bring down carbon emissions as well.
It’s not just a bunch of rules that we’ve set up. You’ve got utilities that are putting in solar panels and creating jobs. You’ve got the Big Three automakers who have seen record sales and are overachieving on the fuel efficiency standards that we set. Turns out that people like not having to fill up as often and save money at the pump, even if it’s good for the environment.
You’ve got states like California that have been moving forward on a clean energy agenda separate and apart from any federal regulations that have been put forward. In fact, 40 percent of the country already lives under -- in states that are actively pursuing what’s embodied in the Paris agreement and the Clean Power Plan rule. And even states like Texas that politically tend to oppose me -- you’ve seen huge increases in wind power and solar power. And you’ve got some of the country’s biggest companies, like Google and Walmart, all pursuing energy efficiency because it’s good for their bottom line.
So what we’ve been able to do is to embed a lot of these practices into how our economy works. And it’s made our economy more efficient, it’s helped the bottom line of folks, and it’s cleaned up the environment.
What the Paris agreement now does is say to China and India and other countries that are potentially polluting, come onboard; let’s work together so you guys do the same thing.
And the biggest threat when it comes to climate change and pollution isn’t going to come from us -- because we only have 300 million people. It’s going to come from China, with over a billion people, and India, with over a billion people. And if they are pursuing the same kinds of strategies that we did before we became more aware of the environment, then our kids will be choked off.
And so, again, do I think that the new administration will make some changes? Absolutely. But these international agreements, the tradition has been that you carry them forward across administrations, particularly if, once you actually examine them, it turns out that they’re doing good for us and binding other countries into behavior that will help us.
Last question. Justin Sink.
Q Sir, on Syria.
THE PRESIDENT: I’m sorry, I’m sorry. Okay, you’re right. You are right about that.
With respect to Syria -- in Benghazi, we had an international mandate. We had a U.N. Security resolution. We had a broad-based coalition, and we were able to carry out a support mission that achieved the initial goal of preventing Benghazi from being slaughtered fairly quickly. It’s no secret -- you know this region well -- that Syria is a much more messy situation, with proxies coming from every direction.
And so I wish that I could bring this to a halt immediately. We have made every effort to try to bring about a political resolution to this challenge. John Kerry has spent an infinite amount of time trying to negotiate with Russians and Iranians and Gulf States and other parties to try to end the killing there. But if what you’re asking is do we have the capacity to carry out the same kinds of military actions in Syria that we did in Libya, the situation is obviously different. We don’t have that option easily available to us.
And so we’re going to have to continue to try to pursue, as best we can, a political solution and, in the interim, put as much pressure as we can on the parties to arrive at humanitarian safe spaces and ceasefires that at least alleviate the suffering that’s on the ground.
I recognize that that has not worked. And it is something that I continue to think about every day, and we continue to try to find some formula that would allow us to see that suffering end. But I think it’s not surprising to you, because you study this deeply, that if you have a Syrian military that is committed to killing its people indiscriminately, as necessary, and it is supported by Russia that now have substantial military assets on the ground and are actively supporting that regime, and Iran actively supporting that regime, and we are supporting what has to be our number-one national security priority, which is going after ISIL both in Mosul and ultimately in Raqqa -- that the situation is not the same as it was in Libya.
And obviously there are some who question the steps we took in Libya. I continue to believe that was the right thing to do, although, as I indicated before, in the aftermath of that campaign, I think the world community did not sufficiently support the need for some sort of security structures there and now is a situation that we have to get back into a better place.
I’ve given you -- last question is Justin Sink of Bloomberg.
Q Thanks, Mr. President. I wanted to ask about two things that might be on your desk over the next couple months as you prepare for a Trump administration. One is at least three-quarters of a million undocumented immigrants provided the federal government information about themselves and their families as part of your deferred action program. I’m wondering if there’s anything you can do to either reassure them or shield that information from the incoming Trump administration, considering his stance on immigration.
And the second is, the administration and you have long maintained that the legal constraints upon you by Congress governing the movement of detainees from Gitmo are an unconstitutional infringement on your right as Commander-in-Chief. Considering that the gradual transfers that you've pursued are unlikely to continue under a Trump administration, is this now the time to sort of test that theory by moving the detainees and see where the chips will lie?
THE PRESIDENT: Those are both excellent questions. On the deferred action program that we have known as DACA that relates to DREAMers who are currently benefitting from these provisions, I will urge the President-elect and the incoming administration to think long and hard before they are endangering that status of what for all practical purposes are American kids.
These are kids who were brought here by their parents. They did nothing wrong. They've gone to school. They have pledged allegiance to the flag. Some of them have joined the military. They've enrolled in school. By definition, if they're part of this program, they are solid, wonderful young people of good character. And it is my strong belief that the majority of the American people would not want to see suddenly those kids have to start hiding again. And that's something that I will encourage the President-elect to look at.
With respect to Guantanamo, it is true that I have not been able to close the darn thing because of the congressional restrictions that have been placed on us. What is also true is we have greatly reduced the population. You now have significantly less than a hundred people there. There are some additional transfers that may be taking place over the next two months.
There is a group of very dangerous people that we have strong evidence of having been guilty of committing terrorist acts against the United States. But because of the nature of the evidence, in some cases, that evidence being compromised, it’s very difficult to put them before a typical Article III court. And that group has always been the biggest challenge for us. My strong belief and preference is that we would be much better off closing Gitmo, moving them to a different facility that was clearly governed by U.S. jurisdiction. We’d do it a lot cheaper and just as safely.
Congress disagrees with me, and I gather that the President-elect does, as well. We will continue to explore options for doing that. But keep in mind that it’s not just a matter of what I’m willing to do. One of the things you discover about being President is that there are all these rules and norms and laws, and you got to pay attention to them. And the people who work for you are also subject to those rules and norms. And that's a piece of advice that I gave to the incoming President.
I am very proud of the fact that we will -- knock on wood -- leave this administration without significant scandal. We've made mistakes, there have been screw-ups, but I will put the ethics of this administration and our track record in terms of just abiding by the rules and norms, and keeping trust with the American people -- I will put this administration against any administration in history.
And the reason is because, frankly, we listened to the lawyers. And we had a strong White House Counsel’s Office. We had a strong Ethics Office. We had people in every agency whose job it was to remind people, this is how you're supposed to do things. It doesn't mean everybody always did everything exactly the way it’s supposed to -- because we got 2 million people working in the federal government, if you're including the military, and so we had to just try to institutionalize this as much as we could. And that takes a lot of work.
And one of my suggestions to the incoming President is, is that he take that part of the job seriously, as well. Again, you wouldn’t know this if you were listening to some news outlets, or some members of oversight committees in Congress. But if you actually look at the facts, it works.
And this is just one example of the numerous ways in which the federal government is much better today than it was, without people really knowing. You look at VA. People remember the legitimate problems that were publicized in Phoenix. It was scandalous what happened. What people don’t remember is, is that we’ve brought in well over a million people who are getting benefits that weren’t getting it before, driven the backlog for disability benefits way down, cut homelessness in half. Just made the agency work better -- not work perfect, but work better.
And one of the mottos I always had with my staff was, better is good. Perfect is unattainable. Better is possible.
And so we will try to share the lessons that we’ve learned over these last eight years with the incoming President. And my hope is he makes things better. And if he does, we’ll all benefit from it.
All right? Thank you, everybody. You guys, some of you who are traveling, you’ll get a chance to ask more questions. All right? Thank you.
President Obama, in a joint news conference with Greek Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras, said that both Trump's election and the British vote to leave the European Union reflected the need to deal with "people's fears that their children won't do as well as they have." Tsipras, for his part, said he had refrained from rushing to criticizing Trump as some other European leaders had done, saying that the Republican's "aggressive manner" as a candidate might be different as president. He predicted that "in the near future not much is going to change in the relations between the EU, Greece and the United States of America."
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Remarks by President Obama and Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras of Greece in Joint Press Conference
Maximos Mansion Athens, Greece November 15, 2016
4:20 P.M. EET
PRIME MINISTER TSIPRAS: (As interpreted.) I want to thank the American President, Barack Obama, very warmly for visiting Greece and for choosing Athens, the birthplace of democracy, for one of his last stops before concluding his eight-year term as the American President.
The presidency, during which the image of the United States of America around the world has changed -- even in this country, where, during the Cold War era, Greek-American relations accumulated heavy, historical burden -- a very heavy, historical burden. And I think it was a historic moment when, during the previous visit of an American President in Greece in 1999, President Clinton recognized the errors of the U.S. as regards the dictatorship in Greece. Because the Americans -- the Greek people do not only relate to the ancient traditions; they have fought -- they have shed blood until recently to defend the values of democracy and freedom, which are our common values.
Therefore, Greece is now welcoming an American President who, throughout his term in office, has strongly defended these values; who has fought for the rights of all people, irrespective of color, religion, or sexual orientation; who has worked in order to deal with climate change. A President who has integrated millions of Americans into health care. A President who has put his strength and his influence behind a humanitarian solution of the great refugee crisis, the greatest after World War II.
And I should also like to point out -- because this is very important to Greece -- this is a President who, when he had to deal with the 2008 economic crisis, has led the American economy on a completely different path than the one that Europe has chosen. Eight years later, the result is more than visible -- (inaudible) easing, commitment to employment, which was the choice of the United States, have led to impressive growth rates and decline in unemployment. While on the other side, the insistence of European leaders to austerity policies keeps the European economies trapped in stagnation, and it, therefore, brings about huge political and social problems.
And it is in this respect that I had the opportunity to discuss with President Obama about the huge challenges that our country but also the whole of Europe is dealing with. These are challenges that need to be dealt with collectively, decisively, and effectively. Otherwise we will be led backwards from a political and a social point of view.
We have, therefore, agreed that for modern societies to have help and hope and aspirations is the only reply against the increasing trend in skepticism and inward-looking, which is a threat to modern democracies. The international community, when trying to avoid historic mistakes of the past, saw this issue clearly when, in 1953, and with the assistance and support of the United States of America, they settled the German debt and they linked it to a growth clause. Today, the strong Germany, which is the financial powerhouse of Europe, should think in the same manner.
Greece and the Greek people have recently had to deal with the harshest consequences of the global and European economic crisis. As an economy and as a society, we have had to experience a program of disastrous austerity, which made the problems more acute instead of resolving them. Within a few years, we have lost 25 percent of our GDP while, in 2004, unemployment went up to 27 percent.
Today, and despite what we have suffered, we are still standing. We were able, through great sacrifices, to avoid the threats and the threatened disaster, and we are, step by step, restoring our economy. Today, for the first time in years, we are back to growth. Slowly but surely, we are decreasing unemployment and we are restoring confidence to the future of the Greek economy.
About 18 months ago, although we were a young government, we were asked to take very difficult decisions. And with this opportunity, I want to recognize publicly the role and the contribution of President Obama, during those difficult moments, to recognize his moral and political support he gave to my government in the effort to find a political solution.
Difficult decisions were made not only in order to keep our country in the Eurozone but also in order to maintain the cohesion of the European Union. And I believe that our decisions were right, as shown by history. We have made difficult reforms in the social security, in taxation, in public administration, but we have always taken measures to fight corruption, to attract investment, to create a better context for investment in Greece.
We will continue to decisively promote reforms that will promote growth. And at the same time, we will continue to negotiate hard in order to avoid any reforms that would undermine growth. But what is more important to all of us is that society should understand, should feel the results of all that and to make the burden to the weak members of society lighter, and also, for the younger and productive generation, because after seven years, people cannot take any more austerity.
The important reduction of the Greek debt, the reduction of the surpluses which are expected of us in the future and the participation of the Bank of Greece in the quantitative easing program are rightfully -- should be rightfully different to Greece. And the time to do that is now.
And from this point of view, I think that it is not only symbolic, but it is also very important that Barack Obama is now in Athens and the day after tomorrow will be in Berlin at this very critical point in time when decisions are expected -- decisions that not only concern Greece, they concern Europe and therefore the global economy. Cooperation and solidarity are necessary requirements in order to bring about the solutions that will once again bring stability to the European integration and bring it back to the track of growth.
And in relation to that, President Obama and I discussed a number of important issues such as the continuation of our bilateral economic and business cooperation. More specifically, the important potential for investments in Greece in a series of sectors, such as energy, tourism, agro-food, research and technology. We also discussed the future where Greece, with its important shipping power, can become an important transit center for trade, transport and energy, linking Europe to Asia and to North Africa.
We also discussed the important projects and the way which upgrade the role of our country on the energy map, such as the TAP, the IGB pipelines, the upgrading of the LNG terminal, and the FSRU -- which is now being designed. Also, we discussed the possibility of opening new natural gas corridors in the Eastern Mediterranean, which will play an important role to peace and stability in our region.
We have also discussed the excellent Greek human potential -- human capital -- and especially young scientists. We have stressed the huge potential opening for the cooperation between the American and the Greek business communities in the fields of innovation and start-up companies in Greece. And we have also discussed the current regional developments, the great challenges in security, migration, the need to strengthen our cooperation on these issues.
We have discussed the critical role that Greece plays as a pillar of peace and security in a region where stabilization is on the grow. It's a country of Europe, of the Eastern Mediterranean, of the Balkans, of the wider Black Sea neighborhood, which promotes -- steadily promotes bilateral and, alongside Cyprus, the tripartite cooperation with all the countries of the region on the basis of international law. A country which is using its role as an active member of the EU and NATO to promote peace, stability and security in the region, and which is gradually strengthening its role in order to promote border security and cooperation against terrorism.
A country which, despite its financial difficulties, has offered support to hundreds of thousands of refugees who arrived on its shores. A country which, when the Balkan corridor was unilaterally closed, and despite the pressure exercised on it to violate our common values, still insists that the only way to deal with the refugee issue is respect for international law, cooperation with transit countries and countries of origin, and dealing with the origins of migration -- with the regions of migration. And in this framework, we have discussed the importance of implementing the EU-Turkey agreement and continuation of NATO operations in the Aegean.
We have stressed the need to do whatever possible to promote peace and stability in Syria, Iraq and Libya. The hardship, the fighting against Libyans should stop, and terrorism should be fought decisively.
We have also stressed the need to restart the talks on the Middle East issue. And in this framework, I have underscored my commitment to dialogue and cooperation with our neighbor in Turkey, a country that plays an important role for the future of our region. But I still stress that the promotion of these important relations can only take place on the basis of mutual respect, without threats of war and questioning of sovereign rights.
And of course, we have discussed the Cyprus issue, the need to find a fair and viable solution on the basis of U.N. resolutions and compatible with the fact that Cyprus is an EU member state. We have therefore expressed our support for the very important, critical bicommunal talks which are underway. Tomorrow I will be meeting President Anastasiades who will be in Athens.
We need to be very careful at this very critical point in relation to these talks, because important issues are still pending. Our objective is to achieve a solution that will benefit all of the Cypriots and a solution that will promote the confidence-building on the island. And this, in our view, cannot happen without the departure of the occupation army and without doing away with the obsolete system of guarantees.
So before I conclude I should like to once more thank President Obama for opting to visit our country. I would like now to remember the words of another important American President, who, during the previous century, had to fight in order to deal with challenges similar to the current ones -- security, economic crisis or migration of movements of populations. And he had said that real freedom for people can only exist whenever there is security and independence. And he had also said that famine and unemployment are the raw material for dictatorships. These words are very topical nowadays. And I am certain about peoples who are committed to common values will fight in every way to deter any possibility of us going back to history.
It is our duty to make a leap into the future, and I believe that we will make it. Thank you.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Kalispera. Thank you, Prime Minister Tsipras, for your kind words and for welcoming me to Athens today. I’ve always wanted to come to Greece, and I’m delighted to be able to make this part of my last trip overseas as President of the United States.
I think we all know that the world owes an enormous debt to Greece and the Greek people. So many of our ideas of democracy, so much of our literature and philosophy and science can be traced back to roots right here in Athens. I’m told there is a saying from those ancient times -- kalos kai agathos -- when someone or something is good and beautiful on the outside, but also good and noble on the inside, in terms of character and in terms of purpose. And I think that’s a fine description of the friendship that exists between the Greek people and the American people.
The ideas of ancient Greece helped inspire America’s Founding Fathers as they reached for democracy. Our revolutionary ideas helped inspire Greeks as they sought their own freedom, and Americans came here to help fight for Greek independence. At the dawn of the Cold War, when President Truman committed the United States to the defense of Greece, he said, “I believe that we must assist free peoples to work out their own destinies in their own way.”
To this day, the United States is profoundly grateful for our friendship and alliance with Greece. And I’m personally very grateful to my many friends in the Greek American community --sons and daughters of Hellenes who have found success in every walk of American life. And, Alexis, I want to thank you for your commitment to our alliance and for the good work that we did today.
As the Prime Minister already noted, we spent much of our time discussing the economic situation here in Greece and how Greece can continue to move forward. I know this has been a painful and difficult time, especially for Greek workers and families, pensioners and young people. This crisis is not an abstraction, but has had a very concrete and devastating impact on the lives and livelihoods of millions of people across this country.
In our meeting, Alexis outlined next steps, including reforms to make Greece more attractive to investment and to prevent the kind of imbalances that led to the debt crisis in the first place. In other words, Greece, under his leadership, continues to do the hard work necessary to recover.
At the same time, I’ve been clear from the beginning of this crisis that in order to make reforms sustainable, the Greek economy needs the space to return to growth and start creating jobs again. We cannot simply look to austerity as a strategy. And it is incredibly important that the Greek people see improvements in their daily lives, so that they can carry with them the hope that their lives will get better.
And in this context, as Greece continues reform, the IMF has said that debt relief is crucial. I will continue to urge creditors to take the steps needed to put Greece on a path towards a durable economic recovery, because it is in all of our interests that Greece succeeds. We all want the Greek people to prosper, to be able to provide a good life for their families and their children. That would be good for Greece. That would be good for the European Union, good for the United States, and ultimately, good for the world.
Beyond economic issues, we discussed the pressing security challenges that we face as NATO allies. I want to take this opportunity to commend Greece for being one of the five NATO allies that spends 2 percent of GDP of defense -- a goal that we have consistently set, but not everybody has met. Greece has done this even during difficult economic times. If Greece can meet this NATO commitment, all our allies should be able to do so.
We also discussed the need to continue sharing intelligence to help prevent terrorist attacks; the importance of keeping sanctions, including EU sanctions, in place until Russia is fully implemented the Minsk agreement, along with Ukraine.
As I did privately with Alexis, I want to thank the Greek people publicly for their humanitarian response to the crisis of so many migrants and refugees seeking safety in Europe. Greeks, especially on the islands, have shown extraordinary compassion and they’ve rightly earned the admiration of the world. Again, Greeks have done so even as they’ve faced their own great economic hardships. And that's a testament, I think, to their solidarity and commitment to treating people with kindness and fairness.
Prime Minister Tsipras has made commitments to increase housing for unaccompanied children and to improve access to education for children who are migrants and refugees. And in these goals, it's an obligation of the United States to help because this cannot be viewed just as a Greek problem, this is an international problem. And I reaffirmed my support to help in any ways that we can, including reaffirming support for the deal between the EU and Turkey that can manage arrivals in Europe in a way that is orderly and humane.
Finally, as Alexis mentioned, we discussed Cyprus, where the prospects for a just, comprehensive and lasting settlement are the best that they've been for some time. It doesn't mean that success is guaranteed, but the possibility of resolving a decades' long conflict is there. And we urge the parties to continue their work. The interests of all Cypriots would be advanced with a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation. We’re hopeful that a solution that’s durable, which would create new economic opportunities for all the people across Cyprus is within reach. And it would be a powerful example to the world of what’s possible with diplomacy and compromise.
So, again, Mr. Prime Minister, thank you for welcoming me. Thank you for your partnership. The Greek people have gone through some very difficult times, and there's still a hard road ahead. But despite those hardships, Greece has continued to be a reliable ally, has shown true compassion to fellow human beings in need. It's an example of the Greek character. And I'm looking forward to the opportunity to say more to the Greek people in a speech that I'll deliver tomorrow. For now, on behalf of the American people, just let me say that we are proud to count Greece as one of our closest allies and one of our greatest friends. Efharisto.
Q I want to take you seven, eight years back, when you entered the White House, the unemployment -- the rate of the unemployment was 6 percent, the next two years up to 11.6, and today you manage to leave it back with 5 percent, which is the lowest ever -- 4.9. But typically of your country, you want us to- 2.6 per year. So on the contrary -- of course, there is nothing to compare between Greek and United States economy -- but on the contrary, Greece the last seven years is following the treatment of the financial institutions -- the foreign financial institutions, and we're still in the eye of the storm of the recession. So at the same time, there is no discussion about the debt relief. So my question is, how far this economy can go with this reform programs without any discussion of debt relief? How far this relationship between Greece and the foreign institutions can last?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, you're right that you can't entirely compare between the United States and Greece for a range of reasons -- not just because of the size of the economy. We went through a very severe contraction. We were losing 800,000 jobs a month when I came into office. In fact, the economy was contracting faster than it did during the Great Depression. But we were able to intervene, apply lessons learned, and stabilize and then begin growth again.
But I do believe that one of the lessons we tried to apply is that it is important to combine structural reforms and good fiscal stewardship with a growth strategy. Because when your economy is growing and more revenue is coming in, that helps relieve debt. And sometimes if your only approach is cutting spending at a time when the economy is contracting, then the economy will contract further and that could add debt.
Now, the advantage we had is that the dollar is the reserve currency in the world. Even in the midst of crisis, people were still buying U.S. Treasury bills. We were not part of a broader arrangement like the Eurozone. So it gave us some additional flexibility.
But the key lesson that we've drawn from our experience -- and it's true that we recovered faster and better, frankly, than most of Europe -- is that particularly when the economy is still struggling, putting people back to work, finding ways to spur economic activity ultimately can help to reduce the structural deficits and debts that countries experience.
I think the path that Greece is currently on is the right one. You've engaged in some very difficult structural reforms. And I think the Greek people, although it is difficult and challenging and the politics of it I know are not good, should appreciate the fact that in this global economy, the Greek economy was going to have to go through some structural reforms. We all do, all the time. The United States has to go through structural reforms in terms of improving our education system, or revamping our infrastructure, or looking at some regulations that weren't properly controlling excesses on Wall Street. So we initiated more health care reform -- we had to initiate a whole range of structural reforms.
They're not the same as the ones that Greece has had to do, but these were necessary reforms. And the Prime Minister and his government being willing to move forward on those I think will lead to Greece being more competitive and a more attractive place for investment in the future. And the Greek people are entrepreneurial. There are enormous resources in this country. My hope is, is that more and more investors around the world see an opportunity to do business here in Greece.
But even as you have those structural reforms, our argument has always been that when an economy contracted this fast, when unemployment is this high, that there also has to be a growth agenda to go with it. And it is very difficult to imagine the kind of growth strategy that's needed without some debt-relief mechanism.
Now, the politics of this are difficult in Europe. And I think in fairness to some of the governments up north that I know are not always popular here in Greece, it's important to recognize that they have their own politics. And their populations and their institutions often are resistant to some of these debt-relief formulas.
But I think that having seen Greece begin many of these difficult steps toward structural reform, having shown a commitment to change, with the Greek people having endured some significant hardships for many years now, there should be an opportunity I think for both sides to recognize that if we can come up with a durable solution, as opposed to each year or every six months having a new negotiation, that that could potentially be good for everyone. And now that the Greek economy is growing again, the timing may be right.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. A lot of people in Europe are still struggling to understand what happened on November 8th in the United States. Do you believe it's the exact same dynamic as Brexit, which happened six months before? And does it have to do with leaders struggling to read the mood of their country? Do you have the feeling that, while in power, you underestimated anger or resentment or fear in America?
And to you, Prime Minister Tsipras, President Obama has you repeatedly said, including today, that Greece should get substantial debt relief. From your conversation with him today, are you hopeful that he might convince Chancellor Merkel to make the move in that regard later this week?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: No two countries are identical. And obviously there's a difference between a referendum on a very complex relationship between Great Britain and the rest of Europe, and a presidential election in the United States.
Presidential elections always turn on personalities. They turn on how campaigns are run. They turn on natural desires for change. If you've had an incumbent who has been there for eight years, there's a temptation to think, well, let's maybe make a change. I think there are a whole range of factors involved.
But I do think that there is a common theme that we've seen in a lot of advanced economies and that we've seen around the world, although they manifest themselves in different ways. Globalization, combined with technology, combined with social media and constant information, have disrupted people’s lives, sometimes in very concrete ways -- a manufacturing plant closes and suddenly an entire town no longer has what was the primary source of employment -- but also psychologically. People are less certain of their national identities or their place in the world. It starts looking different and disoriented.
And there is no doubt that that has produced populist movements, both from the left and the right, in many countries in Europe. When you see a Donald Trump and a Bernie Sanders -- very unconventional candidates -- have considerable success, then obviously there's something there that's being tapped into.
A suspicion of globalization, a desire to rein in its excesses, a suspicion of elites and governing institutions that people feel may not be responsive to their immediate needs. And that sometimes gets wrapped up in issues of ethnic identity or religious identity or cultural identity. And that can be a volatile mix.
It's important to recognize, though, that those trends have always been there. And it's the job I think of leaders to try to address people's real, legitimate concerns and channel them in the most constructive ways possible.
Did I recognize that there was anger or frustration in the American population? Of course, I did. First of all, we had to fight back from the worst recession since the Great Depression, and I can guarantee you, if your housing values have crashed and you've lost most of your pension and you've lost your job, you're going to be pretty angry. And so we fought back and recovered. But that left I think fear and anxiety in a lot of people -- a sense that the economy wasn't as certain as it could be, and maybe the game was rigged on Wall Street or by special interests in Washington, or what have you. And that's been there.
I was also aware of it because of the fact that you've seen some of the rhetoric among public and elected officials and activists and media -- some of it pretty troubling and not necessarily connected to facts, but being used effectively to mobilize people. And obviously President-elect Trump tapped into that particular strain within the Republican Party and then was able to broaden that enough and get enough votes to win the election.
The lesson I draw -- and I think people can draw a lot of lessons, but maybe one that cuts across countries is we have to deal with issues like inequality. We have to deal with issues of economic dislocation. We have to deal with people's fears that their children won't do as well as they have. The more aggressively and effectively we deal with those issues, the less those fears may channel themselves into counterproductive approaches that pit people against each other.
And frankly, that's been my agenda for the last eight years. I think raising wages, investing in infrastructure, making sure that people have access to a good education that will equip them for the jobs of the future -- those are all agenda items that would help alleviate some of those economic pressures and dislocations that people are experiencing. The problem was I couldn't convince the Republican Congress to pass a lot of them.
Now, having said that, people seem to think I did a pretty good job. And so there is this mismatch I think between frustration and anger. Perhaps the view of the American people was that we just need to shake things up. Time will now tell whether the prescriptions that are being offered -- whether Brexit or with respect to the U.S. election -- ends up actually satisfying those people who have been fearful or angry or concerned. And I think that's going to be an interesting test, because I think I can make a pretty strong argument that the policies we put forward were the right ones and we've grown faster than just about any advanced economy. The country is indisputably better off, and those folks who voted for the President-elect are better off than they were when I came into office, for the most part. But we'll see whether those facts affect people's calculations in the next election.
PRIME MINISTER TSIPRAS: You asked if I believe that Angela Merkel could be convinced to make which are the necessary steps for the recovery of the Greek economy. Well, my answer is I'm very optimistic, and this for two reasons. Number one, Angela Merkel is a German politician, and Germans sometimes insist -- sometimes they are disagreeable but they insist that the agreements must be honored.
And what is expected to happen with Greece is that which was agreed last July-August in the summer of 2015, that was as soon as Greece shows that it has decided to proceed with the courageous and difficult reforms, that when the first and most difficult review is completed, then decisions will be taken, measures will be implemented to reduce -- to provide debt relief to Greece, so that Greece can go out into the money markets and for growth to return at a very high rate in the Greek eco.
So the first reason for my optimism is that just like the German finance minister used to say -- this is a Latin expression, which we sometimes use, where although we have learned not Latin but Ancient Greek in our schools.
The second reason for which I'm optimistic is that I have met Angela Merkel in person -- so has Barack Obama. We worked very close together during the period of the huge refugee crisis. Our cooperation is very good, and therefore I'm of the opinion that she is a responsible politician, a politician who has a sense of responsibility for Europe, and not only for Germany or for her political party. And this was the manner in which she dealt with the refugee crisis, with a deep sense of responsibility on the future of Europe and on stability.
And for these two important reasons, I do expect that she will be convinced that these two necessary steps must be made -- two steps that will not be a burden to German taxpayers -- so that Greece can become not a part of the problem but a part of the solution for security, for growth and for solving the refugee issue, for which Greece plays an important role.
And that is why I'm optimistic, and I expect my optimism to be realized.
Q You said many times, Mr. President, that the way the Europeans handled the economy -- the economic crisis had the opposite effect. And also, you talked many times against the austerity. And, of course, you are right. Why, in your opinion, you didn’t succeed to convince the Europeans to follow your way? And what are you going to do the last two months to help Greece and the Greek people? Also, I have a short question about Cyprus -- both of you, you talk about Cyprus. And it's an issue for me because I was born in Cyprus. How can you convince the President of Turkey to end the occupation of Cyprus, Mr. President?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, let me take the second question first. This is ultimately a negotiation between Cypriots -- Turkish Cypriots and Greek Cypriots. And the good news is that you have two leaders who seem genuinely committed to finding compromises and an approach that would serve both their peoples well. If, in fact, you can see a meeting of the minds between them, then the issue will be can we make sure that all of us, the international community -- Turkey, Greece, the United States -- support that agreement in a way that can be ratified by both sides.
And we have invested a lot of time. Vice President Biden has been actively involved in this. We are encouraged by the progress that's been made. I think there's a window in the next few weeks, months, where this issue was actually resolved. And I think if we can find an equitable solution, it won't provide 100 percent of what either side wants, there may be some mechanisms for a transition from the status quo to the future that both sides envision, but I think it's achievable. And we're going to do everything we can to support the process.
With respect to the economy and Europe, again, I think it's important to recognize that in some ways my job was simpler because, at least in the first two years, I had majorities of my party controlling Congress. And I'm just one country. So Congress is hard to deal with. Dealing with multiple parliaments and commissions and unions, and this and that and the other -- that's very complicated. And so the need, I think, to operate by consensus, the fact that not all European countries were similarly situated, even though their economy shared a currency, that made their task more difficult. And so I want to make sure that I'm clear that I don't envy the hard job that each European leader had in circumstances that oftentimes they had inherited.
What I've tried to do is just offer our best thinking, whether it's in resolving problems in banks quickly -- because the quicker you resolve the problems with banks and there's transparency in that process, the faster they recapitalize and are able to make investments. When the economy is shrinking, providing jobs, spending on things like infrastructure can actually increase revenue and drive down debt. And then there's going to be a time at which point that has to be taken care of.
I mean, for example, in the United States, our deficits went up in those first two years because we were engaging in a lot of emergency spending. Our deficit has now been reduced by two-thirds, primarily because we started growing again and we started taking in more tax revenue.
So there's some lessons I think that are applicable for all countries. And what we've just tried to do is offer the best advice that we can, understanding that when you're dealing with multiple nations but a single currency, and then a European Union, where some people are in the currency and some people are not in the currency, and a European Parliament and European Council -- that's a lot of meetings.
PRIME MINISTER TSIPRAS: (As interpreted.) I will fully agree with what President Obama has just said in answering the question about Cyprus. It is not a bilateral issue. It is not a problem between Greece and Turkey. It's an international problem, which has been going on for 42 years -- as long as I'm alive -- and it is a problem of illegal invasion and occupation of the northern part of Cyprus. We make our best, we do our best to encourage both sides to help them reach a fair and equitable solution.
In my first visit to Cyprus as a Prime Minister, I tried and I did meet over and above the leaders of the Republic of Cyprus, a number of representatives of the Turkish Cypriot community. And I think that that was the first time that a Greek Prime Minister was meeting with them. We are interested in making sure that the people of Cyprus will be able to live in a reunited Cyprus where they are free, where there's a democracy, freedom, and Cyprus is a member of the European Union.
So I would like to make it clear that as it regards Greece, we are in favor of a solution. We stand by the side of President Anastasiades, who is making the effort, and we are only ready to discuss with Turkey the part which is relevant to us -- that is the guarantees. Because since 1959, since 1960, this obsolete issue of guarantees also concerns Greece. But Greece is not the country which has occupied and illegally -- invaded and illegally occupied Cyprus.
So I believe that a fair and sustainable solution means a solution without the permanent presence of Turkish troops on the island. And at the same time, I think that the best guarantee for the Cypriot people to feel safe is the potential of a fair and sustainable solution. And if this happens, things will change not only for Cyprus but for the wider region in general Greek-Turkish relations. This is how we are proceeding.
I believe that, yes, President Erdogan plays an important role, but it is not my responsibility to convince him.
Q Mr. President, ever since the election there have been protests on the streets of the United States. And earlier this year, Matt Lauer asked you if you believed you helped create the environment for Donald Trump to run. And you answered, talk to me if he wins about how responsible I feel about it. I wonder, do you feel any responsibility for the election of Donald Trump? And in the broader context, when you see his election, when you look at politicians like Theresa May, Marine Le Pen, do you believe that it is either a movement away from or an outright rejection of your world view?
And, Mr. Prime Minister, you've also talked about your concerns about the rise of the extreme right in general. And about Donald Trump, in particular, you said, I hope we will not face this evil. Do you believe Donald Trump or his ideas are still evil? And if so, do you believe your comments and the comments of other European leaders will make it more difficult for you to work with him? Thank you.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, I think it's fair to say that I was surprised by the election results, and I've said so. I still don't feel responsible for what the President-elect says or does. But I do feel a responsibility as President of the United States to make sure that I facilitate a good transition and I present to him as well as the American people my best thinking, my best ideas about how you move the country forward, to speak out with respect to areas where I think the Republican Party is wrong, but to pledge to work with them on those things that I think will advance the causes of security and prosperity and justice and inclusiveness in America.
I think it's important not to start drawing parallels, for example, between Theresa May -- a fairly traditional conservative politician, who is now prime minister -- and Le Pen in France. Those aren't the same, and the situation in each country is different.
I do think, as I've said before, that history doesn't move in a straight line. It zigs and zags and sometimes goes forward and sometimes moves back, sideways. I think at times of significant stress, people are going to be looking for something -- and they don't always know exactly what it is that they're looking for -- and they may opt for change even if they're not entirely confident what that change will bring.
As you know, throughout my presidency, I'm sure as a matter of convenience, I generally haven't paid a lot of attention to the polls. But since your question is directly related to the notion of a rejection of my world view, last I checked a pretty healthy majority of the American people agree with my world view on a whole bunch of things. And I know that that begs the question, well, how is it that somebody who appears to have a very different world view just got elected? As I said, sometimes people just feel as if we want to try something to see if we can shake things up. And that, I suspect, was a significant phenomenon.
I do believe, separate and apart from any particular election or movement, that we are going to have to guard against a rise in a crude sort of nationalism or ethnic identity or tribalism that is built around an "us" and a "them." And I will never apologize for saying that the future of humanity and the future of the world is going to be defined by what we have in common as opposed to those things that separate us and ultimately lead us into conflict.
Take Europe. We know what happens when Europeans start dividing themselves up, and emphasizing their differences, and seeing a competition between various countries in a zero-sum way. The 20th century was a bloodbath. And for all the frustrations and failures of the project to unify Europe, the last five decades have been periods of unprecedented peace, growth and prosperity in Europe.
In the United States, we know what happens when we start dividing ourselves along lines of race or religion or ethnicity. It's dangerous. Not just for the minority groups that are subjected to that kind of discrimination or, in some cases in the past, violence, but because we then don't realize our potential as a country when we're preventing blacks or Latinos or Asians or gays or women from fully participating in the project of building American life.
So my vision is right on that issue. And it may not always win the day in the short term in any particular political circumstance, but I'm confident it will win the day over the long term. Because societies in which we are able to unify ourselves around values and ideals and character, and how we treat each other, and cooperation and innovation ultimately are going to be more successful than societies that don’t.
That's my strong belief. And I think I've got pretty good evidence to prove it.
PRIME MINISTER TSIPRAS: (As interpreted.) To be honest, I know very little of Donald Trump. I got to know his aggressive manner and the manner in which he defended some unconventional points of view during the election period. Some have told me that I should have read his book before going to bargain in Brussels -- "The Art of the Deal." I didn't. But I don't think that that was decisive to the result.
Still, let me point out that it was one thing what we knew about Donald Trump when he was seeking to become the candidate for the Republican Party; another thing during the election period; and now that he is the President-elect; and it's quite another when he will be the President of a country that is a major player, a global player.
So that is why, contrary to some of my colleagues in Europe, I did not rush to repeat some of the criticisms that many of us have made during the election period about Donald Trump. Ultimately, that if someone would want to rapidly change the foreign policy of a country such as the United States -- which is very difficult -- although some of us in Europe may fear that this may happen, what we should be doing is build bridges, not walls. We are proceeding on the basis of common values. We have more to gain from partnership, from promoting our partnership in dealing with the big global challenges.
I, therefore, believe in the near future, not much is going to change in the relations between the EU, Greece and the United States of America. These are relations that were forged under very difficult conditions and rely on the common values of our people.
Full Show - Non-Zero Sum Game/Globalists Go Into Panic Mode, Attack Trump - 11/15/2016
Published on Nov 15, 2016 by The Alex Jones Channel
On this Tuesday, Nov. 15th 2016 edition of the Alex Jones Show, political artist Anthony Freda joins to discuss the anti-Trump protests taking place around the country. Also on today's broadcast we cover Trump's ongoing fight against mainstream media bias. The New American Senior Editor William F. Jasper explains how alternative media will flourish under a Trump administration.
STATEMENT BY SASC CHAIRMAN JOHN McCAIN ON U.S.-RUSSIA RELATIONS
Nov 15 2016
Washington, D.C. – U.S. Senator John McCain (R-AZ), Chairman of the Senate Armed Services Committee, released the following statement today on U.S.-Russia relations:
“Vladimir Putin has rejoined Bashar Assad in his barbaric war against the Syrian people with the resumption of large-scale Russian air and missile strikes in Idlib and Homs. Another brutal assault on the city of Aleppo could soon follow.
“With the U.S. presidential transition underway, Vladimir Putin has said in recent days that he wants to improve relations with the United States. We should place as much faith in such statements as any other made by a former KGB agent who has plunged his country into tyranny, murdered his political opponents, invaded his neighbors, threatened America’s allies, and attempted to undermine America’s elections.
“The Obama Administration’s last attempt at resetting relations with Russia culminated in Putin’s invasion of Ukraine and military intervention in the Middle East. At the very least, the price of another ‘reset’ would be complicity in Putin and Assad’s butchery of the Syrian people. That is an unacceptable price for a great nation. When America has been at its greatest, it is when we have stood on the side those fighting tyranny. That is where we must stand again.”
https://www.youtube.com/user/TheAlexJonesChannel/videos Full Show - Left Panics, Launches Operation Chaos - 11/14/2016 On this Monday, Nov. 14th 2016 edition of the Alex Jones Show, freedom philosopher Stefan Molyneux explains the media’s ongoing battle to regain control over public opinion and why it won’t work. The media is now quoting Trump out of context in an attempt to divide him from his supporters. Also, Trump insider Roger Stone reveals what’s going on behind the scenes of the Trump transitionary team. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DeecpCdfH80
Bannon: Top Trump adviser, white nationalist, media mogul The Rachel Maddow Show 11/14/16 Rachel Maddow gives an overview of Donald Trump's newly named chief strategist and senior counselor, Steve Bannon, whose past record includes an array of right-wing media ventures, as well as anti-Semitic and white nationalist leanings. Duration: 12:16 http://www.msnbc.com/rachel-maddow/watch/top-trump-aid-white-nationalist-media-mogul-809048643600
Trump queries about top security clearance for his kids The Rachel Maddow Show 11/14/16 Rachel Maddow relays reports that in addition to running Donald Trump's business and helping with his transition to the White House, Donald Trump has asked about giving his children top secret security clearance so they can also advise him on matters of national security. Duration: 3:30 http://www.msnbc.com/rachel-maddow/watch/trump-kids-to-be-nat-security-advisers-too-809037379844
Trump threat to American foundations best met with civic activism The Rachel Maddow Show 11/9/16 Rachel Maddow makes the case that American citizens who feel that the foundations of American civic life are threatened by the presidency of Donald Trump have a to-do list to protect those foundations through participation in civic groups. Duration: 15:44 http://www.msnbc.com/rachel-maddow/watch/trump-threat-best-met-with-civic-activism-805380675880
Anti-Trump protests grip cities nationwide The Rachel Maddow Show 11/9/16 Vaughn Hillyard, reporter for NBC News, talks with Rachel Maddow from outside Trump Tower in New York City where thousands have gathered to protest the election of Donald Trump. Similar protests are taking place across the country. Duration: 5:19 http://www.msnbc.com/rachel-maddow/watch/anti-trump-protests-grip-cities-nationwide-805307459637
US transitions of power peaceful but not always smooth The Rachel Maddow Show 11/9/16 Michael Beschloss, NBC News presidential historian, talks with Rachel Maddow about how Hillary Clinton's winning of the popular vote adds to tensions around the election of Donald Trump, and awkwardness in past presidential transitions. Duration: 4:40 http://www.msnbc.com/rachel-maddow/watch/us-transitions-peaceful-but-not-always-smooth-805391939918
Women's reproductive rights brace for fight under Trump The Rachel Maddow Show 11/9/16 Cecile Richards, president of Planned Parenthood, talks with Rachel Maddow about the threat women's reproductive rights will face from the Trump administration with a Republican Congress and a likely large Supreme Court majority. Duration: 7:23 http://www.msnbc.com/rachel-maddow/watch/women-s-reproductive-rights-brace-for-fight-805397059512
Election Day 2016 update The Rachel Maddow Show 11/9/16 Rachel Maddow rounds up which states have yet to be called in the 2016 presidential election, and looks and some of the down-ballot winners and ballot initiatives from Tuesday night. Duration: 2:58 http://www.msnbc.com/rachel-maddow/watch/election-day-2016-update-805404739505
How the U.S. Constitution curtails Trump The Last Word with Lawrence O'Donnell 11/9/16 For all those worried about what power President-elect Trump could wield, Lawrence reminds us that our Founding Fathers already put something in place to protect us from that: the U.S. Constitution. Duration: 12:50 http://www.msnbc.com/the-last-word/watch/how-the-u-s-constitution-curtails-trump-805393987518
Tavis Smiley reacts to Donald Trump's election The Last Word with Lawrence O'Donnell 11/9/16 PBS host and author Tavis Smiley says racism, sexism and classism received the "GOP seal of approval" in last night's election of Donald Trump. Smiley joins Lawrence to discuss his reaction to the presidential election. Duration: 6:39 http://www.msnbc.com/the-last-word/watch/tavis-smiley-reacts-to-donald-trump-s-election-805393475898
Don't treat Trump as 'normal' The Last Word with Lawrence O'Donnell 11/9/16 Will the 'Normalization' of Donald Trump's behavior begin in the media or will his outrageous language and beliefs be scrutinized? Writer Anand Giridharadas joins Lawrence. Duration: 4:38 http://www.msnbc.com/the-last-word/watch/don-t-treat-trump-as-normal-805392963757
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