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THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary

________________________________________________________________________
For Immediate Release October 23, 1995



TEXT OF A LETTER FROM THE PRESIDENT
TO THE SPEAKER OF THE
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES AND THE
PRESIDENT PRO TEMPORE OF THE SENATE



October 23, 1995




Dear Mr. Speaker: (Dear Mr. President:)

Consistent with the Authorization for Use of Military Force Against Iraq
Resolution (Public Law 102-1), and as part of my effort to keep the
Congress fully informed, I am reporting on the status of efforts to obtain
Iraq's compliance with the resolutions adopted by the U.N. Security
Council.

Events in Iraq unfolded dramatically in the weeks following my August 3,
1995, letter to you on Iraq in a way that makes absolutely clear our firm
policy has been the correct one. In the first half of August, Iraqi
leaders, in both public statements and private remarks to U.N. officials,
threatened retaliation if the Security Council failed to lift sanctions by
August 31, 1995. The retaliation was not specified, but the Iraqi remarks
echoed those made before previous Iraqi acts of belligerence. Ambassador
Albright and her colleagues from the United Kingdom and France called upon
the Iraqi U.N. Ambassador, made clear that such threats were
unacceptable, and urged that Iraq implement all relevant Security Council
resolutions.

On August 9, 1995, two of Saddam Hussein's sons-in-law left Iraq and were
granted refuge in Amman. One of these men, Hussein Kamil, directed Iraq's
weapons of mass destruction (WMD) programs while holding various high
level government positions during the 1980s and 1990s. Evidently fearful
of what the defectors might reveal, Saddam Hussein hurriedly invited U.N.
weapons inspectors to Baghdad to examine previously undisclosed
information on his weapons programs. Saddam Hussein offered the
extraordinary explanation that Hussein Kamil had hid all this information
from inspectors and Saddam Hussein himself.

While the international community had long understood that Saddam Hussein
had pursued a vigorous and extensive weapons program, the revelations were
still staggering. Ambassador Ekeus, head of the U.N. Special Commission
on Iraq, reported to the Council that, among other things, Iraq had placed
biological agents such as anthrax and botulin into bombs and missiles and
deployed these weapons of terror to military bases and airfields in
December 1990; lied about the extent of its biological weapons program as
recently as a few months ago; launched a crash program after the
invasion of Kuwait to produce nuclear weapons within a year; and continued
its weapons research and procurement activities, including work on uranium
enrichment, after the Security Council cease-fire resolutions, possibly
until quite recently.

The August 1995 revelations virtually erased what little credibility
Saddam Hussein may have had left. It seems clear that, were it not for
the defections, Iraq never would have revealed this information. Saddam
clearly planned to hide this weapons information until he could use it to
facilitate the reconstitution of his WMD programs. Saddam Hussein's
intentions are hardly peaceful. There is every reason to believe that
they are as aggressive and expansionist as they were in 1990. It is more
important than ever that the Security Council demand Iraqi compliance with
all relevant Council resolutions prior to any change to the sanctions
regime.

The August 1995 WMD program revelations have overshadowed the fact that
Iraq has done nothing to comply with its other obligations. Iraq
continues to drag its feet on its obligations to account for hundreds of
Kuwaitis and third country nationals missing since the invasion. Iraq has
not returned the millions of dollars worth of Kuwaiti property looted
during the occupation. The Iraqi Republican Guards still use a large
quantity of stolen Kuwaiti military equipment. Iraq continues to provide
safe haven for terrorist groups. Given this Iraqi track record of
disrespect for its international obligations, the Security Council
maintained the sanctions regime without change at the September 8, 1995,
review.

Saddam Hussein's unwillingness to comply with the norms of international
behavior extends to his regime's continuing threat to Iraqi citizens
throughout the country. We and our allies continue to enforce the no-fly
zones over northern and southern Iraq as part of our efforts to deter
Iraq's use of aircraft against its population. As reported by Max van der
Stoel, the Special Rapporteur of the U.N. Commission on Human Rights,
Iraq's repression of its southern Shi'a population continues, with
policies aimed at destroying the Marsh Arabs' way of life and important
environmental resources. Along with inter-national and local relief
organizations, we continue to provide humanitarian assistance to the
people of northern Iraq. We have facilitated talks between the two major
Kurdish groups in an effort to help them resolve their differences and
increase stability in northern Iraq.

The human rights situation throughout Iraq remains unchanged. Saddam
Hussein shows no signs of complying with U.N. Security Council Resolution
688, which demands that Iraq cease the repression of its own people. Iraq
announced an "amnesty" in July for all opponents of the regime, but the
announcement was seen by most Iraqis and by international human rights
observers as an ill-conceived ploy. The regime's recently announced plans
to amend the Iraqi constitution are viewed by Iraqi exiles as a
transparent effort to bless an extension of Saddam Hussein's presidency.

Last October, the U.N. Security Council adopted Resolution 949, which
demanded that Iraq not utilize its forces to threaten its neighbors or
U.N. operations, and that it not redeploy or enhance its military
capacity in southern Iraq. However, Saddam Hussein has continued to
conduct military activities that we believe are intended to threaten
Kuwait. The defections of Saddam Hussein's family members, coupled with
indications of heightened Iraqi military readiness, increased our
concerns that Iraqi leadership might lash out as it did last October when
we responded during Operation Vigilant Warrior. In this time of
uncertainty, we felt it prudent to improve the deterrence and
warfighting capability of U.S. forces within the U.S. Central Command
area of responsibility. Accordingly, the deployment of a mechanized task
force was accelerated to participate in a scheduled exercise in Kuwait
and a ground theater air control system was deployed to improve our
command and control capability within the region. Additionally, 13
prepositioning ships were moved into the Gulf to increase our deterrence
posture.

We continue to receive good support from the Gulf States in our sanctions
enforcement efforts. The Multinational Interception Force (MIF)
conducting the maritime enforcement of U.N. economic sanctions against
Iraq continues to serve magnificently. Since October 1994, the MIF has
diverted to various Gulf ports 14 sanctions-violating vessels, which were
carrying cargoes of oil or dates having an estimated cumulative value of
over $10 million. The multinational composition of the MIF has been
significantly strengthened. Ships from Belgium, New Zealand, Italy,
Canada, and the United Kingdom have been committed to participate in MIF
operations for the remainder of 1995.

The expeditious acceptance of two recently diverted sanctions-violating
vessels by Saudi Arabia and Kuwait has greatly contributed to the
deterrent effect of MIF sanctions enforcement operations and has also
freed enforcement vessels escorting the diverted vessels to return to
patrol operations. Panama and St. Vincent and the Grenadines have
deflagged three sanctions-violating vessels while Honduras has enacted
stricter sanctions enforcement measures and has continued deflagging
proceedings against vessels involved in violating Iraqi sanctions.

Security Council Resolution 687 affirmed that Iraq is liable under
international law for compensating the victims of its unlawful invasion
and occupation of Kuwait. Although the U.N. Compensation Commission
(UNCC) has approved some 355,000 individual awards against Iraq worth
about $1.39 billion, it has been able to pay only the first small awards
for serious personal injury or death (aggregating $2.7 million). The
remainder of the awards cannot be paid because the U.N. Compensation Fund
lacks sufficient funding. The awards are supposed to be financed by a
deduction from the proceeds of future Iraqi oil sales, once such sales
are permitted to resume. However, Iraq's refusal to meet the Security
Council's terms for a resumption of oil sales has left the UNCC without
adequate financial resources to pay the awards. Iraq's intransigence
means that the victims of its aggression remain uncompensated for their
losses 4 years after the end of the Gulf War.

To conclude, Iraq remains a serious threat to regional peace and
stability. I remain determined that Iraq comply fully with all its
obligations under the U.N. Security Council Resolutions. My
Administration will continue to oppose any relaxation of sanctions until
Iraq demonstrates peaceful intentions through its overall compliance with
the relevant resolutions.

I appreciate the support of the Congress for our efforts, and shall
continue to keep the Congress informed about this important issue.

Sincerely,



WILLIAM J. CLINTON

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