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Rama denied Chinese investments/ The report shows Beijing's strength in Albania, from the economy to the media
11/07/2023 in Politics , Slider

Albanian Prime Minister Edi Rama and Chinese Prime Minister Li Keqiang attend a meeting, on the sidelines of the 4th Meeting of Heads of Government of China and Central and Eastern European countries, at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing, November 2015.

The Chinese danger in Europe, in addition to the Russian one, was one of the concerns raised at the July 11 NATO summit in Vilnius. Our Prime Minister Edi Rama, who admitted that he is not in a position to give advice, spoke briefly about this and denied Chinese investments.

We don't have these problems because we had China and Russia when everyone else decided to let them go. We joined Stalin and then China in outlawing god and destroyed over 200 religious sites. Both Russia and China are old marriages that we would not like to return to.


We are different with China because we have friendly relations, but it is not the country where China has interfered so much with investments and we do not expect a Chinese investment boom to be honest. With this, I say that you said it all", these were the words of the head of the government of Albania.

His statement is not actually true and this is shown by a report by CEPA, the Center for European Policy Analysis. Published in the summer of 2022, CEPA outlines China's four-phase strategy in Albania, one of the countries where Beijing aims to become a significant influencer.

Zoom.al brings the full CEPA report in Albanian:

Chinese influence in Albania, the 4 phases of a long-term strategy

China seeks closer ties with Albania as part of the Chinese Communist Party's giant project to expand Beijing's influence and become a major player in the Western Balkans and Europe. For this reason, Beijing is following a long-term strategy in Albania, which goes through four overlapping phases.

In the first phase, the Communist Party is trying to consolidate its presence in the local economy, increasing exports and investments. The goal is to make the Albanian economy more dependent on China, especially in weak industries and allowing Beijing to influence politics as well.

In the second phase, the "actors" from China will focus on building some necessary foundations that will increase Chinese influence in business and politics. Although the Chinese approach to Albania was initially focused on the economy, Beijing's efforts to move to a new phase of engagement with Tirana are those of a political dimension and its objective is to make Albanian policies in line with Beijing's interests.

The third phase of the Chinese strategy is to broadly affect the Albanian society, from the rich to the poor. The purpose of this phase is to spread a positive image of China in the Albanian communities and to prepare them for the Tirana-Beijing connections.

The fourth phase, the final, focuses on the attempt of the Chinese authorities to increase their image in the media and public, with new content and influence the broad approach of Albanians.

The methods, tools and tactics of the CCP to spread the dangerous influence

China has inserted itself into the Albanian economy and politics through large investments in air transport, energy, agriculture and mining as a way to maximize its influence.

Beijing's economic influence in Albania derives from lending, investment and trade, including collaborations with key economic players and networks. These linkages create dependency and China gains systemic influence.

According to the Bank of Albania, Foreign Direct Investments in Albania are 2.27%, very little compared to Serbia 15.7% and North Macedonia with 3.37%. In 2020, China was the third largest importer for Albania. In November 2021, it exported 47.5 million dollars and imported 13.1 million dollars

Beijing also pursues an integrated cultural strategy through language-focused courses at the University of Tirana's Confucius Institute and a planned Chinese cultural center in the Albanian capital. The center will have a much wider offer of activities and will focus on cultural interaction, making it an excellent tool for the Chinese authorities to establish links with cultural and civil society groups. China also organizes study tours, academic exchanges and cultural events to cultivate relationships with particular individuals and institutions.

China has gradually created a framework for media interaction and cooperation to spread Beijing's narratives through traditional and social media. In 2019, the Chinese and Albanian state radio and television companies reached an agreement that allowed Albanian public television to broadcast some Chinese programs for free. More informal cooperation occurs through Chinese-funded trips, training, exchange programs and donations for Albanian media professionals.

As part of Beijing's multi-pronged approach to Albania, Chinese state actors are also expanding their formal and informal cooperation with municipalities across the country, mainly through a twinning project. Tirana and Beijing have been "twinned" since 2016, with five other cities in Albania developing such links. Under this policy, Beijing uses sister city connections and local authorities to influence the central government.

Achievements of PKK tactics

While the embrace of Chinese investment has made China Albania's third largest trading partner, giving Beijing power in the Albanian market and control over resources that provide a competitive advantage, Albania has resisted becoming China's economic center in the region.

The Albanian government excluded China from the investment plan in the Port of Durrës and in that of the 5G network. In fact, China's attempts to influence Albania sometimes face obstacles because Albania is anchored in the middle of traditional Western policies.

Although cultural diplomacy has been secondary to economic diplomacy, China has a strong weapon. This change has borne fruit; Interest in the history and culture of China, especially in the Chinese language, has increased among young Albanians who are learning Chinese at the Confucius Institute.

China's media policy aimed at increasing coverage of China and the production of positive content is reaping success among many young Albanians.

A 2020 study counted more than 1,000 China-related articles published in Albania over five years. Nearly half, 47%, portrayed China in a positive light, 38% were more negative and 15% were considered neutral. This increase in China-related content is thanks to Beijing's strategy to cooperate with local analysts and columnists. So is the shift in focus: Articles evaluating China's political and economic model and its handling of the Covid-19 pandemic have replaced articles about China's oppression of Uyghur Muslims, a sensitive issue for a Muslim-majority country like Albania. When China invests in local media and analysts, neutral or negative reports disappear.

A series of regular public opinion polls suggest that China's investments in image-building have paid off handsomely. From 2019 to 2020, the share of respondents to the Albanian Security Barometer national survey who said China had a positive impact on Albania's security doubled, from 23.5% to 54.9%. In 2022, with the question slightly changed, 76.6% said they did not think China represented a threat to Albania's security, compared to 19% who said they did.

Target audience and population

Attempts by Chinese authorities to influence Albania's political and business elite to further Beijing's foreign policy objectives follow a common and predictable pattern.

China's soft efforts are largely driven by key leaders in business, politics, government, academia, media and non-governmental organizations. The most vulnerable to China's narratives are the oldest Albanian intellectuals, who had many contacts with Beijing during the Mao-Hoxha years. The memories and legacy of this period predispose this group to welcome China's presence in Albania and help create an older pro-China generation. Although this group does not influence political decisions, its influence in specific parts of Albanian society, including academia, gives it the power to advance Tirana-Beijing cooperation. The education and training of post-1999 Albanian leaders in Western institutions makes them less vulnerable to Chinese manipulation, although this may change.

Some well-known politicians in Albania have also insulted the West and addressed China. Specifically, President Ilir Meta and former Prime Minister Sali Berisha have carried out political, diplomatic and personal attacks on the American ambassador in Tirana. Both men have influence over a broad base of supporters. Local Albanian figures who see their political interests in an alliance with Beijing rather than the West can function as local spokesmen for Chinese interests.

Chinese authorities have also worked to identify citizens who would be most vulnerable to Chinese Communist Party narratives circulating in the Albanian media. In particular, they seek those who have been lost in the midst of uneven economic development and modernization, are disillusioned with local politics, or are frustrated with the mixed results of integration with the West. Overall, however, much of the public does not appear vulnerable, even if polls register some success for China's influence operations.

conclusion

Overall, there is no doubt that China's structured strategy in the context of the 16/17+1 initiative has played a central role in building closer contacts between Tirana and Beijing. It has made progress among specific social groups in Albania, offering alternative versions of political, economic and geopolitical realities. However, China still sells better in other countries in the region, such as Serbia and North Macedonia, than in Albania. Albania remains anchored in its traditional pro-Western orientation, trying to avoid any kind of political penetration that could lead to excessive support from Beijing./Zoom.al

https://zoom.al/rama-mohoi-investimet-kineze-raporti-tregon-forcen-e-pekinit-ne-shqiperi-nga-ekonomia-tek-media/