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Understanding Theta II
Brian Overby
June 26, 2006
In my previous post on theta, we explained how time premium is calculated and graphed the rate at which an At-The-Money (ATM) option typically decays. Now let’s dissect the actual Theta number.
To begin with a straight definition, theta is the amount a theoretical option's price will change for a corresponding one-unit (day) change in the days to expiration of the option contract. Keep in mind that Theta measures time decay only; it does not account for stock price movement or the myriad of other variables affecting options pricing.
The last post discussed how time decay accelerates as an option nears expiration; accordingly, then, theta is a larger number for near-term options than it is for longer-term options. For example, consider XYZ trading at 100 and the 100 call, trading at 1.15, with an implied volatility of 20% and 7 days remaining to expiration. The one-day theta for this option would be -.085 or a negative 8 1/2 cents. This means if nothing else in the marketplace changes except one day of time passing, this contact will trade for around 1.15 - .085 or $1.065 in absolute terms.
Now let’s consider the same option contact, but with 180 days remaining to expiration. The call option would be worth $7 and the theta would be -.025 or negative 2 ½ cents - a much slower rate of decay than the 7-day option.
While Theta represents the consensus of the marketplace as to the amount a theoretical option's price will change for a corresponding one-unit (day) change in the days to expiration of the option contract there is no guarantee that this forecast will be correct.
Understanding Theta I
Brian Overby
June 20, 2006
Theta is enemy number one for the option buyer. It is defined as the amount a theoretical option's price will change for a corresponding one-unit (day) change in the days to expiration of the option contract. To the option buyer, the passage of time is similar to the effects of the hot Florida sun’s rays on a block of ice. Each hour that passes causes some of the long option’s value to “melt away.” Not only does the premium “melt away,” but it does so at an accelerated rate as expiration approaches.
If we focus on At-The-Money (ATM) call options and don’t worry about the affects of interest rates and dividends, there’s a quick and dirty way to calculate how fast an option's time premium will decay. ATM options move at the square root of time. We are using ATM options for this example because they are only made up of time value and it makes the calculation simple. This means if a one-month ATM option is trading for $1, then a two-month option would be trading for 1 x sqrt of 2 or 1.41 and a three-month option would be trading for 1 x sqrt of 3 or 1.73 (see below)
If we work back and say the underlying does not move at all and none of the other variables change, the three-month option’s time value will lose 32 cents as soon as it drops to two months; it loses another 41 cents in month 2, and in the final month the option would lose the entire dollar. It’s pretty obvious from this example that not only do options decay, but they decay at an accelerated rate as expiration approaches.
If we plot these points graphically you call see the accelerated curvature of the graph.
Note: this large rate of decay is mainly true with ATM options. If the option is way deep in-the-money or way out-of-the-money, the options will decay in a more linear fashion, largely because these options will have a much lower time value.
Now that we’ve set the stage, the next blog will dig deeper into theta itself and how to use it to factor in your time decay risk in trading.
While Theta represents the consensus of the marketplace as to the amount a theoretical option's price will change for a corresponding one-unit (day) change in the days to expiration of the option contract there is no guarantee that this forecast will be correct.
Understanding Gamma
Brian Overby
June 13, 2006
In the last post I noted that delta is dynamic: it moves not only as the underlying stock moves, but as expiration approaches. Gamma is the Greek that determines the amount of that movement. Officially speaking, Gamma is defined as the amount a theoretical option's delta will change for a corresponding one-unit (point) change in the price of the underlying security. But here’s a more intuitive definition I like: If you look at delta as the "speed" of your option position, Gamma is the "acceleration".
When you are buying options, just like when you are buying a car, Gamma/acceleration is a good feature to have. If your forcast is correct and your option has a large Gamma, its delta will approach 1 quickly, in other words giving it 1-to-1 movement with the stock quickly.
Gamma is highest for the near-term ATM strike, and slopes off toward the ITM and OTM strikes. This is the main reason why the near-term ATM strike usually is the series that has the largest number of contacts that trade each day. Buyers of options like these options because they have high Gamma values. The graph below shows a near-term option (15 days to expiration) on a stock now trading around 85; Gamma is largest on the ATM strike. You can also see as the underlying stock moves up or down the Gamma becomes smaller, this is because Delta is either approaching one or approaching zero which means Gamma has to become smaller because Delta can not go beyond these levels.
To explain this further, let’s use the same example we examined in the previous delta posting.
Say we have an ATM call at 50 strike, the stock is at 50, and there’s one day remaining to expiration. Delta in this case will be exactly 50. Why? If the stock goes up, the call will be in-the-money; if it goes down the option will be out-of-the-money. In other words, you have a 50/50 chance of the option finishing in-the-money on expiration; hence, delta is 50.
Now consider a 50 strike call option that is already in-the-money with one day remaining; the stock is at 51. What’s the delta now? Think about the second definition. Being one point in-the-money with only one day remaining means the stock has a very high likelihood of staying in-the-money. That likelihood translates into a much larger delta, close to 90.
What’s Gamma then? Remember the definition. With that one-point movement in the stock’s price, Gamma measures the acceleration factor on delta, from 50 to 90. This means the Gamma was 40 or .40 when the stock was still at 50.
If we lengthen the time to expiration in the last example, it vastly changes the way the option will act. Let’s now say the option has 60 days remaining until expiration, the stock is still at 51 and the call strike is still 50. Now, what’s the probability of the option being in-the-money at expiration? It’s much lower because the stock has more time to move. Delta on this option will be around 60. That makes Gamma 10 or .10 on this option contract when the stock was still at 50.
If we wanted to know the acceleration at which the option will move all we would have had to do is look at the Gamma before we placed the trade.
Of course, there’s a tradeoff to keep in mind. If you seek out high Gamma for more acceleration, you’re also likely to get high theta (rate of time decay). In the next posting we will define theta and discuss how that relationship affects the dynamics of your trade.
Understanding Delta III
Brian Overby
May 22, 2006
From the previous posting, you should have a feel for how Delta can help you gauge an option’s likely movement for a one point movement in the underlying security. Delta is dynamic, so that, if the option becomes deeper and deeper in-the-money (ITM) the Delta will approach one, or if the option gets further and further out-of-the-money (OTM) Delta will approach zero.
This is only part one of a two-part story, though. Delta not only moves as the underlying security moves; it also moves as expiration approaches.
To better explain this concept I need to introduce to another definition of Delta, one used often by market markers: Delta is the probability of the option contract being in-the-money at expiration. You won’t see this definition in text books. Rightly so, it is not the exact math formula used to calculate Delta. For learing about Delta it is good enough. I use this “non-standard” version to explain how and why Delta changes as expiration approaches.
Say we have an ATM call at 50 strike, the stock is at 50, and there’s one day remaining to expiration. Delta in this case will be exactly 50. Why? If the stock goes up, the call will be in-the-money; if it goes down the option will be out-of-the-money. In other words, you have a 50/50 chance of the option finishing in-the-money on expiration; hence, Delta is 50.
Now consider a 50 strike call option that is already in-the-money with one day remaining; the stock is at 52. What’s the Delta now? Think about the second definition. Being two points in-the-money with only one day remaining means the stock has a very high likelihood of staying in-the-money. That likelihood translates into a much larger Delta, close to 95.
If we lengthen the time to expiration in the last example, it vastly changes the way the option will act. Let’s now say the option has 60 days remaining until expiration, the stock is still at 52 and the call strike is still 50. Now, what’s the probability of the option being in-the-money at expiration? It’s much lower because the stock has time to move. Delta on this option will be between 65 and 70. Here’s another way to put it: more time to move means less likelihood of the option still being in-the-money at expiration; this translates into a smaller Delta.
Below is a table of actual Deltas from the marketplace. These Deltas are from options based on the S&P 500 Exchange Traded Fund (ETF), called the Spiders.
In this example, the April options had 11 days remaining until expiration and the July options had 158 days remaining. The 127 strike call has a much larger Delta, 80, compared to the July option, 65. With only 11 days remaining the April option had a much high likelihood of still being ITM at expiration, hence the higher Delta.
Now, let’s talk about how the delta is affected by time on out-of-the-money options. Look at the 133 strikes in the chart; the July option’s Delta is much higher than that of the April option. That’s because, for a July option, time is now your friend: if you’re buying OTM options, you need time for the stock to move up to the strike price. In other words, there’s a much higher probability of the underlying finishing ITM for the July option than for the April; Delta reflects that probability.
The moral of the story is that Deltas are dynamic. Not only do they change as the underlying stock moves up and down, but they also change as expiration approaches.
Understanding Delta II
Brian Overby
April 17, 2006
In the last post I talked about the importance of delta and gave a basic example. I also posed a question: a stock at 50 moved to 51, and its 2-month 50 strike call moved from $3 to $3.50. At the time, the delta was $0.50, explaining the move in the options price from $3 to $3.50.
Now based to the cliffhanger question, the option is trading at $3.50 and the stock is at 51, what do you think the option will be trading for if the option goes from 51 to 52? Will it move 50 cents again, or more or less than that?
The answer is more than 50 cents. The option should be trading for about $4.10, which means it moved about 60 cents. Delta is dynamic, so how close or how far away the stock is from the strike price determines how the option will react to the stock price movement. When we started out the option had a delta of .50, which meant if the stock went up one the option should go up about 50 cents - 50% of the stock’s movement. When the stock was trading at 51, the option’s delta was .60, so when the stock made the next point move, the option moved about 60% of the stock price movement.
This illustrates a useful rule-of-thumb about delta. At-the-money (ATM) options usually have a delta of around 50 cents, or traders will often remove the cents and just say the delta is 50 (which is the convention I will use). In-the-Money (ITM) options have deltas between 50 and 1, never larger than 1; and out-of-the-money (OTM) options have deltas between 50 and 0, obviously never going below 0.
ATM – Delta close to 50
ITM – Deltas between 50 and 1
OTM – Deltas between 50 and 0
Below is a chart of actual deltas derived from the TradeKing option chains.
In the next post, let’s move on to another question: how can we use delta to predict option’s price movements as they approach expiration?
Understanding Delta I
Brian Overby
April 11, 2006
Most traders have heard of delta – it’s probably the most widely quoted of all the Greeks. But knowing how useful it can be is something else.
One of the biggest mistakes new options traders make starts like this: buy a call option and see if you can pick a winner. After all, it seems like a good place to start. Buying calls maps to the pattern you’re used to following as an equity trader: buy low, sell high, in that order.
Options are trickier, though. Sometimes the underlying stock moves in the expected direction, but the option doesn’t. Options with different strikes move differently when the underlying price moves up and down, and as the option approaches expiration. Is there any mathematical way to predict how much your option will move as the underlying moves?
The answer is delta – it’s the key to understanding how and why an option moves the way it does.
Delta is defined as the amount a theoretical option's price will change for a corresponding one-unit (point) change in the price of the underlying security – assuming, of course, all other variables are unchanged.
Let’s start with a basic, real-world example:
Say a stock is at 50 and we’re looking at a 2-month call option with a strike price of 50 – an at-the-money option whose current price is $3. If the stock goes from 50 to 51 right now, so the only thing that changes is the stock’s price, how much would you expect your option contract to move?
Don’t look at the answer! Guess!
The option should move about $.50, to $3.50. How did I know that? I knew the option’s delta, $0.50. By the definition above, if the stock goes up $1, the option should go up roughly by the amount of delta. Hence, it should go from $3.00 to about $3.50.
But what about if the stock moves from 51 to 52? Will the option move another $0.50? Send me your comments…we’ll settle this in the next post and discuss a critical rule-of-thumb for delta as it relates to moneyness.
Greeks?
Brian Overby
March 14, 2006
The Greeks series…
The posting on December 28th titled “Where Do Option Prices Come From?” touches on pricing models and discusses implied volatility. The next level is to discuss some of the data a pricing model provides besides the premium; this data is referred to as the Greeks.
In the real world all of the variables move at once. The Greeks isolate each of these variables in turn, providing insight on how the option premium will be affected if that variable changes. Many option traders make the mistake of only thinking that the underlying price movement adjusts the option price, when it is very possible for the underlying to stay at the same price and see the option contract go up or down in value.
I believe if you have a firm understanding of these variables, you’ll know what option is the best to trade, based on your outlook for the underlying. If you don’t contend with the Greeks, though, you could be flying blind.
My next series of blogs will address all the Greeks, their importance, and how to interpret and use each of them in your trading decisions. The following are the definitions of each Greek.
Delta: The amount a theoretical option's price will change for a corresponding one-unit (point) change in the price of the underlying security.
Gamma: The amount a theoretical option's delta will change for a corresponding one-unit (point) change in the price of the underlying security.
Theta: The amount a theoretical option's price will change for a corresponding one-unit (day) change in the days to expiration of the option contract.
Vega: The amount a theoretical option's price will change for a corresponding one-unit (point) change in the implied volatility of the option contract.
Rho: The amount a theoretical option's price will change for a corresponding one-unit (percent) change in the interest rate used to price the option contract.
Why Do We Care About Volatility? part 5: Using implied volatility to trade a credit spread
Brian Overby
February 27, 2006
Welcome back to my series on using volatility to trade smarter.
Today let’s evaluate something a little less volatile than Google: a call credit spread on the Spiders (Symbol SPY), the Exchange Traded Fund (ETF) based on the S&P 500 index. On January 23rd, 2006 the Spiders where trading at 126.42 and we could sell the 130/132 March expiration call credit spread for a net credit of 0.55 cents.
Sell SPY March 130 Call @ 1.10
Buy SPY March 132 Call @ 0.55
Net credit 0.55
If we sell this spread we’re hoping the market stays the same or goes down. The break-even point at expiration for the trade is the lower call strike (130) plus the credit received (0.55) or 130.55. The maximum gain is 0.55 the credit brought in, and the maximum loss is the width of the spread minus the credit received or 1.45. Armed with this information, let’s check TradeKing’s Probability Calculator to see what the options marketplace has to say about the chances of the ETF finishing below our break-even point at expiration.
After entering the symbol SPY and the March expiration date, the calculator provides us with the ATM volatility of 12.94%. Now enter our break-even point (103.55) as our first target price and the upper strike price (132) as our second target price and hit “Calculate”.
The calculator instantly tells us that, based on what the marketplace is implying the future volatility of the stock to be, there’s a 70.92% chance of making one penny or more on this trade. There’s only a 7.1% chance of the stock finishing between the strikes. Better yet, the probability of us losing the maximum amount or of the stock going higher than the upper strike (132) is relatively low, 21.96%. We’re home free, right?
Watch out: it sounds promising, but there’s another way to use these chances to make the right evaluation for you. Even though the possibility of making one cent or more is 70.92%, the “Probability of Touching” says there is a 51.07% chance of the SPY will touch the break-even point sometime before the expiration date. In other words, this is a trade with a relatively high probability of success (70.92%), but also has a high probably (51.07%) that at some point the trade could become a loser. The next question is, can you handle this information and are you willing stick out the trade until the end?
Understanding volatility means you no longer have to enter into a trade and not know what the marketplace thinks of that move. I have seen many traders try to use volatility to find “bargains”: the implied volatility is too high or too low. I say the option is trading at that implied volatility (or price) for a reason--embrace it and understand why.
The nice thing about understanding the math before you place trades is that it puts all stocks on the same playing field. No matter what underlying you’re trading, implied volatility can help you consistently find the trade that statistically gives you the same probability of success, time and time again. Being consistent, especially in risk management, is one of the best things you can do for your trading.
Let me know if this series helped you, if you have other ideas for similar series, if you have any war stories of your own where implied volatility played a key role. At TradeKing we’re all about learning from other traders so everyone can trade smarter.
Why Do We Care About Volatility? part 4: Using implied volatility to trade Google
Brian Overby
February 13, 2006
So far in this series, we’ve discussed what volatility is and walked through the basic math behind implied volatility. There are many option calculators that will provide these calculations with much more accuracy then the “quick and dirty” math used in my previous post. Now let’s try TradeKing’s probability calculators and apply it to a practical trading example.
Everybody wishes they’d bought Google at 85 when it first went public. The question now is: what is the next Google stopping point? If you’re like me and practically all my trading friends, you have an opinion on the downside and the upside for Google. Let’s use the options market place to try to answer what are the highest and lowest points the market expects by the June expiration date.
Using TradeKing’s probability calculator input the underlying stock symbol for Google (GOOG) and then select the expiration, June. Automatically the price of the underlying (427.55), the ATM implied volatility for the June expiration (45.64%), the risk free interested rate (4.6859%) and dividend information for the stock appear. On the right hand side you will see the target prices, in this example based on a one standard deviation move (555.15 and 312.30). If you look at the bottom of the screen, you will see that based on our inputs, there’s a 68.26% chance of Google finishing between the two prices (555.15 and 312.30), a 16.18% of it finishing above the highest target price (555.15), and a 15.56% chance of it finishing below the lowest target price (312.30).
(The reason there’s a slight better percentage chance of reaching the upside target is because this model correctly uses a log normal distribution, as opposed to the basic normal distribution described in previous posts.)
There is also some bonus information. See the “Probability of Touching” fields on the right hand side of the screen, below the target prices? TradeKing’s calculator shows you not only the probability at expiration of the stock finishing above, between or below targets – it also calculates the chances of Google actually touching the target points at any point before the expiration date. So there is a 36.54% chance of Google touching 555.15 and a 27.64% chance of it touching 312.30. Notice that the probability of it touching the target points is about double the probability of it expiring.
To summarize, with Google trading at 427.55 on January 23, 2006 and the June options trading at an implied volatility of 45.64%, the options marketplace as a whole says there is reasonable chance for the stock to touch 555.15 on the upside and 312.30 on the downside. This is based on a one standard deviation move of the stock.
Next week’s post will tackle another, slightly less volatile example. It’ll also offer some hard facts on using volatility to manage risk – there are more ways to trade smart with volatility than you may realize. See you soon!
Why Do We Care About Volatility? part 3: Calculating implied volatility
Brian Overby
February 7, 2006
Welcome back to my series on “Why Do We Care About Volatility?” Last week I walked through some math to explain standard deviation, a crucial statistics term that helps you estimate the likelihood and size of a security’s price swings in a one-year period. Today you’ll find out how to apply that information to any time period.
All volatility figures are quoted on an annualized basis unless stated otherwise. Since we did not state otherwise in last weeks example, the marketplace thinks that “most likely” the underlying stock will not be below 80 or above 120 at the end of one year. “Most likely” is defined as in 68% of all occurrences.
Our next move is to break down the one standard deviation move so that it fits any time period – that way you can apply it to any expirations you’re interested in trading. The formula in the simplest form is the following:
OSDM = Price x Implied Volatility (ann.) x (sqrt) Calendar Days to Exp.
(sqrt) 365
(A more accurate formula is to use trading days to expiration instead of calendar days, and then divide the entire equation by (sqrt) 252, which is the total number of trading days in a year.)
Now let’s assume we are dealing with a 30 trading day option contract. The one standard deviation move then becomes:
OSDM = 100 x .20 x (sqrt) 30
(sqrt)365
OSDM = + 5.73
This means over a 30 calendar day period the underlying is expected to finish between 94.27 and 105.73. If we perform the calculations for a 60 and 90 calendar day period and then graphed the results the graph would look like the following:
This shows us that the longer the time period, the larger the potential for wider swings in the underlying stock. Keep in mind that even if you are looking at a 30, 60, or 90 day options the implied volatility will always be quoted as an annualized number.
Why Do We Care About Volatility? Part 2: Calculating implied volatility.
Brian Overby
January 30, 2006
Welcome back to my series on “Why Do We Care About Volatility?”. Now that we’ve defined terms, it’s time for some math that will show you how volatility really works – and why it’s important in both stocks and options trading.
To calculate implied volatility, the first step is seeing where At-The-Money (ATM) options are trading. (Since the most option trading volume usually occurs on the ATM options, the industry standard is to use the ATM options to calculate the implied volatility.) Once we know the price of the ATM options we can use a pricing model and a little algebra to solve for the implied volatility.
As a figure, implied volatility tells you how much the marketplace as whole thinks the potential movement will be for the underlying security that the option is based on. Keep in mind: volatility has no regard for direction. If the implied volatility is a “large” number, the market place thinks the security will make larger price swings in either direction. Similarly, a “small” number implies the underling’s price will not move as much.
Now’s the time to dust off the old college stats book. Don’t get too scared, though – we’re not going to derive the Black/Scholes pricing model or anything too wildly complicated. Once you have the implied volatility for an option, you can actually calculate an expected high side number and an expected low side number for the underlying over the life of the option contract. In other words, you can use implied volatility to see if the marketplace agrees with our outlook for a stock or index. It can be used as both a measure of risk and potential reward. Best of all, volatility is based on statistics, so it’s an objective way to test your hunches and manage exit points.
The math starts here. First off, we have to address the biggest assumption made by people who build pricing models - the log normal distribution of stock and index prices. Check out the bell-shaped curve below, which is the basic normal distribution. A normal distribution of data means that most of the examples in a set of data are close to the "average or mean price," while relatively few examples tend to one extreme or the other. Again in laymen’s terms, most of the time stocks and indexes do nothing and stay close to their current price and only every once and awhile they make an extreme move.
(The difference between a normal and a log normal distribution is the fact that a stock or index can theoretically go to infinity on the upside and only zero on the downside. A log normal distribution accounts for this fact and because of this has a slight upside bias in the distribution.)
Say we have a stock trading at 100 with an implied volatility of 20%. First we’ll start with defining standard deviation and how it relates to implied volatility; then we’ll reverse the process and show you how standard deviation can give high and low price points for a stock. In subsequent posts we’ll evaluate how to use these numbers as you make trading decisions.
Key words for this discussion are standard deviation and annualized. Statistically speaking, implied volatility is a proxy for standard deviation. If we assume a normal price distribution, we can calculate what a one standard deviation move (OSDM) of the stock will be. To do that we first multiply the stock price with the Implied Volatility:
100 x .20 = 20
OSDM = 20 points
The number of points it sums to is a one standard deviation move. This refers to either a move up or down in the stock. So the next step is to add and subtract the OSDM from the current stock price.
100 + 20 = 120
100 – 20 = 80
This gives us the normal expected range of the underlying stock. Standard statistical formulas imply the underlying stock will stay within this range (80 to 120) 68% percent of the time. When discussing a normal distribution most math text books refer to a one, two and three standard deviation move. That means the one standard deviation move will occur at a confidence interval of 68% of all occurrences, a two standard deviation move will occur with a confidence interval of 95% and a three standard deviation move will occur with a confidence interval of 99%.
Now you know how to gauge the underlying’s swings over a one-year period. Check back next week to find out how to adjust this annualized figure for options contracts of any length.
Why Do We Care About Volatility?
Brian Overby
January 26, 2006
You’ve probably heard volatility is an important factor for active traders. But do you really understand it - or know how to apply to your trading decisions?
I’ve heard a lot of misconceptions about volatility from traders over the years. This post begins a series that will explain volatility in a way you can really understand and use, give some practical examples, and show you how to use TradeKing’s extensive toolset to factor volatility into your trading.
If you’re reading this, thinking volatility is only for options traders – that’s probably the biggest misconception. In fact, it’s informative both stock and options traders alike.
Today’s post covers the basics: what is volatility?
It’s a measure of past movement that can provide insight into possible future movements of a stock or index. Volatility doesn’t point to a direction for that movement, but it can tell you how likely it is that a given security will reach a specific price point.
While there are many different types of volatility, as a retail trader you really only need to think about two forms: historical volatility and implied volatility. “Historical volatility” is defined in textbooks as the annualized standard deviation of past stock price movements. In layman’s terms, it’s a measure of the daily price fluctuations of a security over a year.
“Implied volatility” is what the marketplace is “implying” the volatility of the underlying security to be in the future. The implied volatility number is derived from the options price. If no options trade in a security, then naturally there is no implied volatility for that security. Implied volatility is the only variable in an options premium that is not directly observable – but it acts as a critical surrogate for option value.
For your purposes, implied volatility is probably more important than historical. We concentrate on implied because the marketplace usually knows all. If the underlying security is announcing earnings or there is going to be a major court ruling, it shows up in the implied volatility for options that will expire in the month the news occurs. In other words, implied volatility can help you gauge how much a bit of news or other development will swing a security.
But the real question is: How do you calculate implied volatility? And how can we use this number to make smarter trading decisions? Stay tuned…
Part 2- The Most Important Psychological Skill for Traders
My last post explained how psychological disruptions of trading are linked to state shifts that manifest themselves emotionally, cognitively, and physiologically. Very often these shifts involve states of heightened arousal due to frustration, fear, and anger. The previous post explained how these states can be defused by combining focused concentration with deepened, slowed breathing. With consistent practice, traders can become quite adept at calming their minds and bodies and interrupting processes that interfere with good decision making.
A related skill that I describe in The Psychology of Trading is "taking your emotional temperature." This simply means that you periodically stand outside yourself as an observer and notice your thoughts, feelings, and physical state. By making this self-observation a regular practice, you can become skilled at catching state shifts as they are occurring. This enables you to utilize the focusing and breathing exercises proactively, before emotional triggers can disrupt trading decisions.
Such a proactive use of the focus and breathing is especially effective when combined with cognitive techniques. Here's how to do it:
First off, I recommend that anyone trying these methods reduce their trading size significantly. By taking P/L off the table temporarily, it allows you to focus on developing your self-control. Then, with your success in the exercises, you can gradually build back to a normal trading size. (Note that if reducing your trading size by itself eliminates your emotional disruptions, that in itself may be your problem: you may be trading too large for your account size and your personal risk tolerance.)
Second, before adding cognitive components, it's necessary to truly master the focusing and breathing from the previous post. I generally have people practicing those methods at least twice a day for a full week before adding new components. The goal is to be able to calm yourself significantly with just a focused mind and a few deep, slow breaths. This takes consistent practice.
Once you can focus and relax yourself on demand, you're ready to add a cognitive module to your self-mentoring. Before you start trading, sit comfortably and vividly imagine market situations that would normally lead you to become fearful or frustrated. For example, you can "play a movie in your head" of the market moving against you and hitting your stop-loss point. The key is imagining the market action and your stop in vivid detail--while you are doing your deep, slow breathing. Then continue your "movie" by vividly imagining yourself taking the right course of action in that situation. Imagine how you would talk to yourself in that situation and what actions you'd take in the market--again, all the while keeping yourself calm and focused, breathing deeply and slowly.
You may need to repeat your "movies" several times with variations. In all, I recommend spending at least 15 minutes with this exercise prior to the market open. What you're doing is literally training yourself to stay calm and focused (and to do the right things) in situations that used to take you out of your game. By repeating these situations in your head many, many times, you normalize them (and your response to them) and make them familiar and non-threatening. Facing a situation again and again successfully in your mind prepares you to do the right things when those situations actually occur.
Notice that this method will work, not only for trading problems, but any situation that tends to trigger you and lead to unwanted reactions. Mental rehearsals under conditions of self control are a method for extending our free will, our ability to respond to events as we wish. This is not only helpful in trading, but in all of life.
http://traderfeed.blogspot.com/2006/09/most-important-psychological-skill-for_03.html
Part 1 - The Most Important Psychological Skill for Traders
A holiday weekend is a good time to review trading journals, pick apart your results, and engage in self-assessment.
If your results are not what you hoped for, an important question to ask yourself is, "Why?".
There are three basic reasons why traders don't succeed:
1) They are trading a market and time frame that lacks opportunity;
2) They are trading a method that does not possess an objective edge in the marketplace;
3) They have a promising market, time frame, and method, but are not executing it properly.
Of these reasons, #3 is the most frustrating for traders. They feel as though they have the tools to succeed, but they themselves get in the way of their own success. Many times this is because emotional factors interfere with sound decision-making.
My recent post on techniques for dealing with emotional disruptions of trading offered a number of links to articles on cognitive, behavioral, and solution-focused methods for gaining self-control. Many more articles on trading psychology are available on my personal site, and a much more detailed explanation of the relationship between psychology and trading can be found in my book. It was because interest was so high in learning self-help methods for dealing with emotional disruptions of trading that I included step-by-step self-help manuals as the last two chapters of my latest book.
My hope is that these resources will help traders become their own mentors.
After my recent post, I received several emails asking a similar question: "What is the best technique I can use for getting myself in control?"
Most psychological disruptions of trading involve either under-control or over-control: traders either become impulsive and lose discipline when frustrated (resulting in overtrading), or they become anxious and negative (and miss out on opportunity).
The key to understanding these problems, as I stress in my book, is to recognize that they are generally state-dependent. They do not occur at all times, under all conditions. Rather, they are triggered by particular events and associated emotional states. The trader who is frustrated or depressed trades differently from the trader who is in a normal, non-aroused emotional state. This is because of brain physiology: we activate different brain regions and functions under conditions of arousal vs. conditions of calm concentration.
For this reason, the most important psychological skill for traders is simply the ability to control your body's level of arousal. It is near-impossible to maintain a collected frame of mind when your body is racing in flight-or-fight response patterns or withdrawing in the face of defeat. If you can control the body, you are much better positioned to achieve cognitive and emotional control.
Three steps can help you gain rapid control if you practice them frequently:
1) Stop whatever you are doing and take a break;
2) Sit comfortably and focus your attention on something neutral. As I mention in my book, a sound and light machine is ideal for this: you simply focus on the patterns of light and eliminate (as much as possible) stray thoughts. Biofeedback games can also be effective in focusing your attention;
3) Once you have your attention fixed, regulate your breathing by taking longer, deeper, and slower breaths. The slowing and deepening of the rate of your breathing will help slow your heart rate, lower your muscle tension, and reduce other biofeedback indicators of stress.
In the beginning, you may need to do this exercise for 10-15 minutes at a time a couple of times per day. As you become more skilled, you'll find that it takes less and less time to get yourself focused and calm. Eventually, just focusing your mind and taking a few deep breaths will get the job done. But it takes steady, consistent practice.
The exercise interrupts negative patterns of thought by controlling your concentration. It also slows your body down, which in turn helps you slow down racing thoughts. Because so many negative behavior patterns are triggered by states of frustration, heading off these states by proactively engaging in this exercise is especially effective.
Take a look at your P/L. How much money have you lost by not following your rules due to emotional disruption? If that figure is significant, the investment of time you spend learning these techniques will produce meaningful returns.
In my next post, we'll take a look at how you can integrate cognitive methods into the basic relaxation exercise.
posted by Brett Steenbarger, Ph.D.
http://traderfeed.blogspot.com/2006/09/most-important-psychological-skill-for.html
Techniques for Dealing With Emotional Disruptions of Trading
Every week I get a handful of emails from blog readers wanting advice on dealing with emotional interference with their trading. Many of these readers feel that they have solid trading methods and plans, but simply cannot follow these with consistency.
In an earlier posting, I explained that there are many reasons for problems of trading discipline. Not all of these reasons are due to primary emotional problems. Many traders suffer emotional disruptions of trading because of how they are trading.
The two main trading reasons for emotional interference are:
1) Improper risk management - Many traders are trying to make a comfortable living from an inadequate capital base. They are undercapitalized relative to their income goals, and this forces them to trade too aggressively. The drawdowns, as a result, are severe and create unnecessary frustrations. As I mentioned recently to one reader's surprise, I have yet to meet a trader who can sustain a good living from an account base of $100,000 or less. Perhaps there are people who can make 50-100% on their money year after year after year, but this is not the norm even among the world's money management elite. Taking large risks in hope of such rewards creates emotional impacts that are difficult to overcome.
2) Trading methods that don't fit a trader's skills or personality - You would not believe how common this is: traders attempt to make money in ways that don't genuinely exploit their strengths. Many times, when traders don't follow their trading plans, it's because those plans don't truly fit who they are. Daytrading might not exploit the analytical skills of a trader; many traders don't have the speed of mental processing to succeed at scalping. Similarly, traders with intuitive skills might be frustrated by trying to trade mechanical rules. Traders not only need methods that possess a reliable edge; they need those methods to fit who they are. A risk-averse person won't follow an aggressive system of scaling into trades; a highly active, distractible individual won't stick with long-term investing.
When emotional disruptions of trading *are* primarily due to emotional factors and not one's trading approach (or lack thereof), there are short-term techniques to change patterns of behavior that are quite effective. A little while ago, I helped write a training guide for helping professionals that summarizes these techniques; my upcoming book for traders has two chapters that are self-help manuals to hands-on change methods. For many people, months and months and years and years of psychotherapy are not necessary to change their patterns of thinking, feeling, and behaving. There are short-term change approaches that have been extensively studied in controlled research and validated for their effectiveness.
Unfortunately, most coaches and mentors of traders have not been trained in these brief methods. They try to help traders by repeating simplistic strategies that can be found in the self-help section of any bookstore. Not surprisingly, these strategies don't dent emotional patterns that seem to have a will of their own.
For 19 years at a medical school in Upstate New York, I not only applied brief therapy methods to medical students, physicians, and other professionals; I also taught these methods to the helpers training to be psychologists and psychiatrists. So it's natural that I try to teach some of these psychological skills to professional traders.
Here are some free resources from my personal site that might help you better understand the common emotional disruptions of trading:
Behavioral Patterns That Sabotage Traders - Part One
Behavioral Patterns That Sabotage Traders - Part Two
Changing How We Cope
Expose Yourself
Finding Solutions: How Traders Can Become Their Own Therapists
Remapping the Mind: Cognitive Therapy for Traders
Turning Your Trading Around - Part One
Turning Your Trading Around - Part Two
Turning Your Trading Around - Part Three
After you read those, feel free to email me with any questions about application. (My email address is included in the "About Me" section to the right). I'll post questions and responses to this blog over the holiday weekend. As I so often say to traders I work with, my goal isn't to become your psychologist. My goal is to enable you to be your own shrink.
posted by Brett Steenbarger, Ph.D.
http://traderfeed.blogspot.com/2006/08/techniques-for-dealing-with-emotional.html
The 5 Fundamental Truths of Trading
1. Anything can happen.
2. You don’t need to know what is going to happen next in order to make money.
3. There is a random distribution between wins and losses for any given set of variables that define an edge.
4. An edge is nothing more than an indication of a higher probability of one thing happening over another.
5. Every moment in the market is unique.
-Larry Williams
Money and the Stock Market: What is the Relation?
By Frank Shostak
8/29/2006
Is it true that changes in stock prices are predominantly set by changes in money supply? At some level, it makes sense that an increase in the rate of growth of money supply strengthens the rate of increase in stock prices. Conversely, a fall in the rate of growth of money supply should slow down the growth momentum of stock prices.
The chart below seems to indicate that the yearly rate of growth of the combined South East Asian stock prices has a good visual correlation with the yearly rate of growth of the combined money M1.
Austrians have generally accepted this causal connection, though for different reasons than others, as I will explain below.
But first we must deal with the contrary view. Some economists who follow the footsteps of the post-Keynesian school of economics have questioned the importance of money in driving stock prices.[1]
On a closer scrutiny of the above chart, coupled with a regression analysis, this school argues that things are in fact the other way around—changes in the stock market are causing changes in money supply. It is held that movements in money M1 reflect the shift of money from long-term saving deposits to demand deposits and vice versa as a result of the preceding changes in stock prices.
For instance, increases in stock prices provide an incentive to liquidate long-term saving deposits. The received money is then employed in buying stocks and other financial assets. In the process demand deposits tend to increase, which in turn raises money M1. It is argued that the trend is reversed when asset and stock prices are falling. All this means that it is the changes in stock prices that actually cause changes in money M1 and not the other way around. If money is not causing, but rather is caused by, changes in the stock market obviously it is not a very helpful indicator. In short, changes in money supply are simply the manifestation of changes that have already taken place in the stock market.
Correlation versus causality
Whether changes in money cause changes in financial asset prices cannot be established by means of a statistical correlation. What is required is a process that can make sense of, so to speak, the observed interrelationship between money and prices. We suggest that a statistical correlation, or lack of it, between two variables shouldn't be the only or final determining factor regarding causality.
If anything it can be of some help in the beginning of the investigation. The data and its correlation is simply the raw material, which must be scrutinized (processed) by a coherent economic framework. One must figure out by means of reasoning what the statistical display might mean. In order to figure out how money is related to the prices of financial assets in general and to stock prices in particular we must ascertain what money is all about.
Trade and money
According to Rothbard trade is the prime basis of our economic life. Without trade, there would be no real economy and, practically no society. The main reason for that is,
because of the great variety in nature: the variety in man, and the diversity of location of natural resources. Every man has a different set of skills and aptitudes, and every plot of ground has its own unique features, its own distinctive resources. From this external natural fact of variety come exchanges; wheat in Kansas for iron in Minnesota; one man's medical services for another's playing of the violin. Specialization permits each man to develop his best skill, and allows each region to develop its own particular resources. If no one could exchange, if every man were forced to be completely self-sufficient, it is obvious that most of us would starve to death, and the rest would barely remain alive. Exchange is the lifeblood, not only of our economy, but of civilization itself.[2]
Now, a precondition for a voluntary exchange is that both parties to an exchange expect to benefit from it. For instance, John the baker enters an exchange with Tom the tomato farmer. Both John and Tom have agreed to exchange ten loaves of bread for twenty tomatoes. They have agreed on this term of exchange because John assigns a much higher importance for twenty tomatoes than ten loaves of bread. While Tom assigns a much greater importance for ten loaves of bread than twenty tomatoes.
Within each of their own individual circumstances both John and Tom will derive a benefit from the trade.
Yet a direct exchange, which amounts to exchanging goods one has for goods one prefers more, is not always possible. For instance, a butcher who wants to exchange his meat for fruit might not be able to find a fruit farmer who wants his meat. While the fruit farmer who wants to exchange his fruit for shoes might not be able to find a shoemaker who wants his fruit.
To overcome this problem people discovered that it is actually possible to exchange things one has for a good that most people are ready to accept in an exchange and employ this good to secure things that one desires. Thus the butcher can now exchange his meat for this good and then exchange this good for fruits. Likewise the fruit farmer can now exchange his fruits for this good and then exchange this good for shoes.
The support for this acceptability is provided by the fact that this good is more marketable than any other good. Being more marketable implies that it is much easier to exchange the things one has for things one prefers more with the help of this good. (It must be stressed here that this good must have a pre-existing price, which enables one to establish a demand for it as a medium of exchange).
On this Rothbard wrote,
Just as in nature there is a great variety of skills and resources, so there is a variety in the marketability of goods. Some goods are more widely demanded than others, some are more divisible into smaller units without loss of value, some more durable over long period of time, some more transportable over large distances. All of these advantages make for greater marketability.[3]
Historically, many different goods have been used to overcome the difficulties of direct exchange. Tobacco was used in colonial Virginia, sugar in the West Indies, salt in Abyssinia, cattle in ancient Greece, nails in Scotland, copper in ancient Egypt, and grain, bead, tea, cowrie shells, and fishhooks.[4]Despite this diversity the common denominator of these goods or their distinguishing characteristic is that these goods fulfilled the role of the medium of exchange. These goods enabled people to overcome the difficulties of the direct exchange.
According to Mises,[/]b
There would be an inevitable tendency for the less marketable of the series of goods used as media of exchange to be one by one rejected until at last only a single commodity remained, which was universally employed as a medium of exchange; in a word, money.[5]
In short, money is that for which all other goods and services are traded. Through an ongoing process of selection people have settled on gold as money. In today's monetary system, money is no longer gold but coins and notes issued by the government and the central bank. Consequently, coins and notes constitute the standard money, known as cash that is employed in transactions—goods and services are sold for cash.[6]
Claim transactions versus credit transactions
When individuals exchange final goods and services for money, they are in fact engaging in a claim transaction. For instance, a baker has agreed to exchange his ten loaves of bread with a shoemaker for ten dollars. The baker who secures the ten dollars now holds a claim on consumer goods up to the value of ten dollars. The baker can exercise his ten-dollar claim any time he deems it to be required. The baker, while transferring his bread to the shoemaker, has never relinquished his claim on final consumer goods.
However, it is quite different when the baker exchanges money for a promise to repay money in one year's time. In this case, the buyer of the promise (the baker) is temporarily transferring his claim on consumer goods to the issuer of a promise. Or we can say that the buyer of the promise provides a credit to the seller of the promise. Hence what we have here is a credit transaction. Note again that in a claim transaction the baker never relinquished his claim over final goods and services. In contrast in a credit transaction the baker transferred his claims over consumer goods to the borrower, or the issuer of the promissory note.
Now, when an individual exchanges goods for money, he increases his demand for money, and when he lends his money he is lowering his demand for money. Individuals can exercise their demand for money in a variety of ways. For example, they can keep money in a jar, or under the mattress, or in their wallets, or place the money in a bank warehouse. From this it follows that the overall amount of money in individual holdings should be the sum of money they hold in bank warehouses also known as demand deposits plus the money they hold outside banks warehouses. This definition of money we label as money M1.
Is money supply affected by a shift of money from saving to demand deposits?
Is it possible to have an increase or a decline in money M1 on account of a shift of money from saving deposits to demand deposits and vice versa?[7]
We have seen that exercising demand for money means that people keep their money inside and outside bank warehouses. By exercising demand for money, individuals hold a claim against final consumer goods and services. Whenever deemed necessary, they exercise this claim, i.e. exchange the money for goods and services they require.
Can there be such a thing as saving deposits? The existence of such deposits implies that money somehow can be saved. We have however seen that individuals only exercise demand for money in order to be able to employ it as a medium of exchange whenever they deem it necessary. For instance, out of his production of twelve loaves of bread, a baker has consumed two loaves of bread and saved ten loaves. He then exchanges these ten loaves for ten dollars with a shoemaker.
What we have here is a situation in which the baker has increased his demand for money by ten dollars while the shoemaker has lowered his demand for money by ten dollars. The ten dollars that the baker has acquired are claims on real savings (i.e., unconsumed final consumer goods) to the tune of ten dollars. The acquired ten dollars provide the baker with access to a variety of final consumer goods and services. By holding these ten dollars however, he doesn't generate any savings; he is just exercising a demand for money. Note that the saving was already done once the baker saved the ten loaves of bread out of his production of twelve loaves of bread. In other words, there is no such thing as saving money as such. People can only exercise a demand for money.
What is then labeled as saving deposits is in fact a credit transaction—an individual who places his money into a so-called saving deposit is actually lending his money by means of bank mediation to a willing borrower. By acquiring a saving deposit an individual transfers his claims over goods and services to the borrower of his money for the duration of the credit. The lender has temporarily relinquished his ownership over the specified amount of money—his money is now transferred to the borrower.
Once the money was transferred what we have is a situation where the lender has lowered his demand for money while the borrower has increased his demand for money. The overall amount of money obviously didn't change. If for whatever reasons the lender decides to liquidate his saving deposits then again this will not cause an increase in money M1. The liquidation of the saving deposit means that the borrower or the bank have agreed to sell some of their assets for money and then transfer the money to the holder of the saving deposit. Money is shifted from one individual to another, but overall M1 cannot change as a result of such transactions.
Reconciling statistical evidence with the facts of reality
But how can this conclusion be reconciled with the data, which show that changes in stock prices apparently precede changes in money M1? Should we ignore the so-called statistical evidence? What the data shows is the effect of central banks' monetary policies.
For instance, as a rule the loose monetary policy of the central bank benefits financial markets first by pushing financial assets prices up. Subsequently the money newly created "out of thin air" also moves into other parts of the economy thereby setting in motion an illusory economic boom. (As a result of more money in the economy monetary turnover follows suit—nominal economic activity rises). A strengthening in nominal economic activity, which also embraces the strengthening in the stock market, gives rise to a stronger demand for money, which central banks and the banking system accommodate—an increase in money M1 takes place. (The charter of every central bank is to keep enough money to accommodate the needs of the economy).
It would appear that the increase in stock prices here precedes the rise in money supply. Observe that what drives the entire story however is the original loose monetary policy of the central bank—the creation of money out of "thin air." The causality therefore is from money to stock prices and not the other way around. The whole story is reversed when the pace of monetary pumping by central banks slows down.
Defend Say
Is it possible that prices of assets in general will increase without a preceding increase in money supply? After all, a price of a good is the amount of money per unit of the good. In order then to have a general increase in prices, all other things being equal, there must be an increase first in the money supply.
Finally it must be appreciated that, because of the complexity of the dynamics of how money drives financial asset prices, the observed data must be disentangled by means of a theory in order to ascertain the facts of reality. In other words the data can't talk without assistance from a theory.
Conclusion
Based on statistical analysis some experts have concluded that stock prices cause changes in money supply rather than the other way around. In this article we have shown that causality cannot be established by statistical means without a coherent definition of what money is and how it is related to the prices of financial assets. Contrary to various experts who dismiss the importance of money in driving the stock prices, we have shown that this dismissal is based on a wrongheaded framework of thinking.
Frank Shostak is an adjunct scholar of the Mises Institute and a frequent contributor to Mises.org. He is chief economist of Man Financial, Australia.
http://www.mises.org/story/2296
One can best understand irrationality by attending to and understanding your own volitality.
-Brett Steenbarger, Ph.D.
Irrational markets make sense when you realize that their volitality is a direct reflection of the emotionality of their participants.
-Brett Steenbarger, Ph.D.
When markets seem irrational to you, theres a good chance you are failing to read the language the market is speaking.
Brett Steenbarger, Ph.D.
On Pivot/Support/Resistance by Phil Rosten
Technical analysis books have very little if anything on calculating & using pivot points.
To get a feel for where the most important daily support and resistance levels are located it would be ideal to incorporate the volume behind every trade into a set of equations to calculate the daily volume-weighted average price and standard deviation levels. But because it can be difficult to obtain reliable volume data for real-time, we might be better off concentrating solely on price action.
For years floor traders and market makers have done this by computing a set of pivot point support and resistance levels between which price can be expected to fluctuate. In a way, it is not so important that you know where these support and resistance levels are, but rather, that you know the floor traders or market makers know where they are.
For example, if the floor traders are gunning for money-management stops, guess what price levels they will test? Clearly, the pivot point support and resistance levels are the prices at which many stops are placed because everyone knows where these expected trading limits are.
The central pivot point (CPP) is the equilibrium point around which trading is expected to occur. The calculation for tomorrow’s CPP is simply the average of today’s high, low and close. When prices move away from the CPP there are zones of support and resistance that define the expected value area of the market. Because these zones are known, penetration and market moves beyond these support and resistance levels bring new players into the market who give further momentum to the buying or selling pressure.
Where C[1] is yesterday’s closing price, H[1] is yesterday’s high and L[1] is yesterday’s low, the central pivot point for today and its support and resistance levels are defined as:
Central pivot point P = (H[1] + L[1] + C[1]) / 3
First resistance R1 = (2*P) - L[1]
First support S1 = (2*P) - H[1]
Second resistance R2 = P + (R1 - S1)
Second support S2 = P - (R1 - S1)
There are variants that calculate the pivot point a little differently. One method substitutes the yesterday's close with today's open, and another variation averages both yesterdays close and today's open with yesterday's open & close. I have done some rough comparisons with intra-day data, and (at least currently) the original method seems to be more accurate.
Trading for today will usually remain between the first support and resistance levels as the floor traders and market makers make their markets. The second resistance or support levels come into play only upon failure of the first resistance or support levels to contain price.
If either of the first levels is penetrated, off-floor traders are attracted to the market. In this event, the breakout levels reverse their functions and serve as test points for continued trading. In a bullish breakout, the first resistance level now becomes a support level and the second resistance level becomes a new resistance level. In a bearish breakout, the first support level now becomes the resistance level and the second support level is now the new support level.
It is clear that money-management stops placed within the range between the first support and resistance levels have a high probability of being hit. This is most likely the reason why almost all off-the-floor traders believe with absolute certainty that floor traders are gunning for their stops. To come to grips with this, some traders have used the "four-tick rule" by which a money-management stop is placed four ticks below the first support line or four ticks above the first resistance line.
However, in the cat-and-mouse game of trading, if the floor traders know where everyone calculates support and resistance it doesn’t take a giant mental leap to figure out they can pick off all the stops snuggled just outside these ranges as well.
The primary value of these support and resistance levels is that they enable you to know what the floor traders and market makers know. As technical trading tools, they should only be used in conjunction with other technical indicators to improve their efficiency.
In general, I evaluate stocks before the open to determine the recent momentum for the stock. I will consider a trade in that stock if the recent momentum of the stock, the current market momentum are going the same way. I like to catch the stock just after it moves through the pivot point.
In addition to determining where to place stops, I use the pivot/support/resistance to minimize getting into momentum trades at false tops & bottoms. I also use the support resistance levels to estimate what the potential profit will be, often keeping me out of trades with low potential.
If an individual walked up to you and stated "I am Nordstroms Department Store.",...it would be a futile attempt to present rational logic to convince them otherwise.
Instead of debate simply ask the individual "Whats for sale?" You will, by that simple inquiry, discover more about that individual when accepting the place they are in than by attempting to talk them out of it.
The markets operate the same way,...simply observe what the markets are telling you what they are and ask the question, "What's for sale?" Your success rate will take on another level.
-Brent Steenbarger
The Golden Parabolic Spike Pattern
by Kristen Lush
June 13, 2006
One of the first things traders learn about the financial markets is that history has a way of repeating it self. And from that one piece of information most technical oriented traders focus on price patterns which repeat time and time again. Below are a few charts of gold that show a parabolic spike price pattern which has occurred twice in the last 10 months and could very much happen again soon.
What is a parabolic spike?
A parabolic spike is a rapid increase is price which is not sustainable. Thus a sharp sell off usually occurs after the rising price ends.
The Parabolic Spike
You will notice that there are two parabolic spikes in this 10 month chart. But what else is similar?
The Consolidation
Before the parabolic spike, gold made a 3 wave consolidation patter twice. What else is similar?
The Gold Rush
This phase is either the final step in this three step pattern or the first step depending on how you look at it.
Putting It Together
Final Note:
The recent parabolic correction has provided us with a great short trade from the $682 level and prices are still sliding lower. A close above our trend line will be our exit signal. But until then, we are taking full advantage of this Parabolic Pull Back.
The nicest feature I find when trading gold and gold funds is that we have a very accurate leading indicator. The HUI, this one tool makes trading gold very accurate as it under and out performs gold generally before a pending reversal some times up to 7 days in advance providing more than enough time to tighten trend lines and stops. Our complete trading model is available at http://www.TheGoldSector.com.
http://www.financialsense.com/fsu/editorials/2006/0613.html
Investment Strategy
by Jeffrey Saut
June 12, 2006
“Thriller?!”
“It's close to midnight and something evil's lurking in the dark
Under the moonlight you see a sight that almost stops your heart
you try to scream but terror takes the sound before you make it
You start to freeze as horror looks you right between the eyes,
You're paralyzed.”
. . . Michael Jackson
“Thriller” was the 1983 smash hit by Michael Jackson from the album of that same name. Yet, “Thriller” is also how investors should feel about the “Something evil’s lurking in the dark” price declines we have seen over the past five weeks. We are certainly “thrilled,” for said decline presents the “well-prepared investor” with opportunities! Or as that old stock market axiom goes, “When prices are high they want to buy, when prices are low they let them go.” That mass-psychology mind-set was reprised in our strategy report dated May 15, 2006 and titled “Circle Completed?!” To wit:
PRICES
THEN FALL
UP HERE A POINT
STOCKS OR TWO
BACK IN A
AND BUYS DAY OR
BULLISH TWO AND
TURNS EVERY
TRADER TRADER
AND EVERY TURNS
OR TWO BEARISH
IN A DAY ON THE
OR TWO MARKET
A POINT AND
THEY RISE SELLS
THEN STOCKS
DOWN HERE
-Beating the Stock Market, R.W. McNeel
First published 1921
Plainly, in mid-May “THEY wanted to buy.” However, we adhered to our proprietary indicators that repeatedly showed the equity markets’ “internals” had been deteriorating since January. Now, when “prices are low, they want to let them go.” Meanwhile, like last October, we have gotten our “Buy List” together since hopefully we are a “well-prepared investor.” And that begs the question, “What defines a well-prepared investor?”
By our pencil, the well-prepared investor is one that rebalances their portfolio when prices are “high” and sits on those “freed up” gains until once again prices are “low.” That strategy hopefully provides the “margin of safety” cash-cushion that Benjamin Graham described in the last chapter of his legendary book The Intelligent Investor. Manifestly, the well-prepared investor is a realist and knows “trees” do not grow to the sky. For example, we have been steadfastly bullish on “stuff stocks” since October of 2001 (oil, gas, coal, timber, agriculture, fertilizer, water, cement, base/precious-metals, timber, etc.). Fortunately, the gains in those stuff-stocks, preferably ones with a yield, grew into oversized “bets” in portfolios by 4Q05. Consequently, we entered 2006 noting that the accrued capital gains in our “stuff stocks” left them wickedly over-weighted in portfolios and therefore recommended that these stocks be increasingly rebalanced (read: be a scale-up seller of partial positions, but do not lose your long-term “core” positions).
That rebalancing strategy has allowed long-term profits to accrue to our portfolios. Year-to-date we have been holding those accrued gains in “cash” since we thought the equity markets peaked last January. While that view was true for many of the indices (NDX, SOX, HGX, HHH, GSO, etc.), it was blatantly untrue for the DJIA, the S&P 500, and the Russell 2000. Still, we have continued to husband “cash,” believing the stock market was setting up for its first 10% correction since 1Q03. That’s why we have been holding “cash,” for unlike most we consider cash an asset class unto itself. Indeed, to assume that all of the investment opportunities that present themselves today are as good (or better) than the opportunities that will present themselves next week, next month, next quarter, etc. is naïve and investors need “cash” to take advantage of those future opportunities. While we are holding a lot of our cash in money market funds currently, we have also used what we consider to be certain cash-alternatives like FAX, ICPHX, FCO, and FCT, especially when their share prices pull back to support levels.
Unsurprisingly, the unprepared investor has recently been “dancing” to the last line of our opening quote, “You start to freeze as horror looks you right between the eyes, you're paralyzed.” Paralyzed indeed, for the 22-session selling-stampede has been a “democratic decline,” trapping the unprepared investor with losses in just about every asset class, including our beloved stuff-stocks. That decline has left many participants “paralyzed” like deer frozen in the headlights of a car. So where are we in the current selling-stampede skein?
Well, it is day 22 in the envisioned 17- to 25-session selling-squall and we think the equity markets are attempting to bottom. By our pencil the Federal Reserve news is past its emotional bearish-peak given Ben Bernanke’s “Dr. Jekyll / Mr. Hyde” switcheroo (aka, dove to hawk). That sense was reinforced last week when the 20-year T’Bond broke out to the upside, suggesting lower interest rates. As well, we think the geopolitical emotional bearish-peak is behind us with the “let’s make friends” Iranian proposal, combined with the Zarqawi “bombshell,” so the only item left in the typical bottoming sequence is a “body” . . . hello Long Term Capital Management! Hopefully a “body” will surface this week concurrent with either a successful retest of last week’s lows (SPX 1235; DJIA 10757; NDX 1526; etc.), or even better, lower lows driven by MUCH higher than expected inflation figures this week. In any event, like last October, we have pulled our “buy list” together and are pretty “thrilled” about being able to become an aggressive buyer of stocks again after being pretty cautious since mid-January. One of the stocks on our buy list is Strong Buy-rated Intermec, which is a leading manufacturer of bar code, wireless, and RFID (Radio Frequency Identification) systems. With the RFID industry expected to grow from a $100-million business in 2005 to a $5-billion business in 2009, mandated by behemoths like Wal-Mart and the Department of Defense, growth prospects look favorable for the few companies in this space.
The call for this week: “It’s a Thriller,” at least for us, since we have been holding outsized portions of cash for the past few months and are “thrilled” about once again being able to get our “Buy Lists” together. For the record, we think long-term interest rates are going to trade lower in the near-term, ditto precious metal prices. On the Precious metals, however, we remain longer-term “secular” bulls. We also think, counter intuitive as is seems, the dollar trades higher in a counter-trend rally. As for the equity markets, last week the DJIA and the D-J Transportation Average (DJTA) registered simultaneous new reaction lows and, in the process, broke below MAJOR bottoms in the point and figure charts. Consequently, just like a heart attack patient doesn’t get right out of bed and run the 100-yard dash, we don’t think the equity market will do that either. Or as one savvy seer said, “Patience, Jeff, is currently the rarest thing on the Street of Dreams.” We continue to invest, and trade, accordingly.
P.S. – Today’s bonus question is, “If inflation worries are the causa proxima for the equity markets’ demise, why are commodities crashing (inflation should be good for commodities) and why are bonds (TLT) rallying (inflation should be bad for bonds)?”
http://www.raymondjames.com/inv_strat.htm
As I See It
Larry Williams
There are as many ways to supposedly beat the market as there are market players.
In my search for "what works" I don't think I have left many stones, if any, unturned. To save you time, money and frustration, I'm going to shoot straight from the hip and tell you what I have found to be true for me.
I'm going to step on toes and do all I can to destroy market myths...this will upset many people...so be it. These comments are based on my experience. I am more than willing to listen to "the other side of the story" but my search has shown the following:
W. D. GANN---This is the biggest fraud going. I knew Gann's son and promotion manager. The wild claims about W. D. are incorrect and do no match with what his son and F. B. Thatcher told me. I bought the Gann $5,000 course. It is a collection of general commentaries laced with astrology. Gann, shortly before he died, sold his advisory service to 2 or 3 different people at the same time.
FIBONNACI--Here's a technique that claims to be able to tell us where markets will go to, or retrace to, based on a pattern of numbers. The pattern goes like 1,2,3,5,8,13 and on and on. Each new number is the sum of the last 2 numbers. Additionally, going back, say from 13 to 8 is a 61.8% retracement. I have shown, from actual market studies of turning points, that these supposed resistant points of 61.8, 38.0 are meaningless...that in fact, markets are no more apt to bottom or top at these numbers than any other number.
ASTROLOGY---Frankly, while a skeptic and doubting Thomas, I have seen some evidence that in some way people are affected by all this. Guys like Arch Crawford have had too many good calls, and the Bradley Model as well, to diss the entire subject.
Yet....this is no sure thing either.
SUPPORT AND RESISTANCE LEVELS----Ah, great focus has been placed on the fact that a market will "bounce" off former highs and lows. The notion is that what was once support (a market low) will become resistance if a market has fallen below and is rallying back to that area. It will...about half the time...and no one can tell you which half!
POINT AND FIGURE CHARTS/CANDLESTICK CHARTS---These are just different ways of looking at price patterns. I think Point and Figure (P&F) is a waste of time...it leaves time out of the equation. Besides, P&F charts of stocks look the same as P&F charts of spins on a roulette wheel.
Candlestick charts are an art form. I have programmed close to 100 of their supposed "best patterns" and have found that most of the time the patterns are meaningless or don’t work as the vendors of this ilk claim.
THE BOTTOM LINE---There are few paths to easy wealth and sudden riches....I have many friends that use the tools discussed above and do well. How can that be? Because these people are smart, good traders and use these as tools...there is no one mystic formula to this business. Why? Because the market is bombarded every day with random influences. I hope all this helps in your pursuit of what is true for you.
http://www.ireallytrade.com/asiseeit.htm
Benjamin Graham: "You are neither right nor wrong because the crowd disagrees with you. You are right because your data and reasoning are right"
The Greatest Scam On Earth
by Douglas V. Gnazzo
May 31, 2006
Caveat Emptor
"To seek power by servility to the people is a disgrace,
but to maintain it by terror, violence, and oppression is not
a disgrace only, but an injustice." [1]
Abstract
The word mortgage is derived from morgage, mort gage: dead pledge; mort, dead, and gage a pledge. It represents a pledge of property as security for payment of a debt.
The most common use is in the buying, selling, and borrowing for a home where the mortgage refers to the debt secured by the mortgage. It can also refer to the legal document used in securing property.
Let's take a close up look as how this process works.
"The creditor has legal rights to the debt secured by the mortgage and often make a loan to the debtor of the purchase money for the property."
"The debtor or debtors must meet the requirements of the mortgage conditions (and often the loan conditions) imposed by the creditor in order to avoid the creditor enacting provisions of the mortgage to recover the debt." [2]
There are two main types of mortgages: mortgage by demise and mortgage by legal charge.
"In a mortgage by demise, the creditor becomes the owner of the mortgaged property until the loan is repaid in full (known as "redemption"). This kind of mortgage takes the form of a conveyance of the property to the creditor, with a condition that the property will be returned on redemption."
"In a mortgage by legal charge, the debtor remains the legal owner of the property, but the creditor gains sufficient rights over it to enable them to enforce their security, such as a right to take possession of the property or sell it.
To protect the lender, a mortgage by legal charge is usually recorded in a public register. Since mortgage debt is often the largest debt owed by the debtor, banks and other mortgage lenders run title searches of the real property to make certain that there are no mortgages already registered on the debtor's property which might have higher priority." [3]
The Tax Man
"Tax liens, in some cases, will come ahead of mortgages. For this reason, if a borrower has delinquent property taxes, the bank will often pay them to prevent the lienholder from foreclosing and wiping out the mortgage." [4]
Notice how in all of these definitions that instead of becoming simpler with each explanation it is instead becoming more complicated with increasing legal terms and ramifications.
"A tax lien is a lien imposed on property by law to secure payment of taxes. Tax liens may be imposed for delinquent taxes owed on real property or personal property, or as a result of failure to pay income taxes or other taxes." [5]
Internal Revenue Code section 6321 provides :
"Sec. 6321. LIEN FOR TAXES.
If any person liable to pay any tax neglects or refuses to pay the same after demand, the amount (including any interest, additional amount, addition to tax, or assessable penalty, together with any costs that may accrue in addition thereto) shall be a lien in favor of the United States upon all property and rights to property, whether real or personal, belong to such person." [6]
Are you getting a quesy feeling down in the pit of your stomach yet? If not just wait, there is much more user friendly legalese to come. First we will delve into foreclosure.
Foreclosure
"Foreclosure is the legal proceeding in which a bank or other secured creditor sells or repossesses a parcel of real property (immovable property) due to the owner's failure to comply with an agreement between the lender and borrower called a "mortgage" or "deed of trust". Commonly, the violation of the mortgage is a default in payment of a promissory note, secured by a lien on the property. When the process is complete, it is typically said that "the lender has foreclosed its mortgage or lien." [7]
The further we progress into the issue the more complicated it becomes. This is why a lawyer is needed in the conveyance of property.
"Conveyancing is the act of transferring the ownership of a property from one person to another. The buyer needs to ensure that he or she gets good 'title' to the land; i.e., that the person selling the house actually has the right to sell it." [8]
A Deed
A deed is a legal instrument used for transferring title to real estate from one person to another although it can be used in other proceedings. Now we are getting closer to the bone as it is said.
We are all familiar with the terms deed and title, as such legal instruments are used in the conveyance of all real estate. Anyone that owns property such as their home and land have heard these terms before. Let's take a little closer look, as these legal instruments are very important and carry specific encumbrances and ramifications.
"Fee simple, also known as fee simple absolute, is an estate in land in common law. It is the most common way real estate is owned in common law countries, and is ordinarily the most complete ownership interest that can be had in real property short of allodial title, which is often reserved for governments.
Fee simple ownership represents absolute ownership of real property but it is limited by the four basic government powers of taxation, eminent domain, police power, and escheat.
How ownership is limited by these government powers often involves the shift from allodial title to fee simple such as when uniting with other property owners acceding to property restrictions or municipal regulation."
Although a bit complicated, it sounds like once you wade through all the legelease and you pay off your mortgage, that you own your property and are in possession of the title for it.
Property Titles
But how many people ever pay their mortgage off in full to begin with? If the mortgage doesn't get paid off, then we do not have the title to the property in our possession. The title remains with the lender. So the lendor actually owns the land until the mortgage is paid off.
"Ownership is the state or fact of exclusive possession or control of property, which may be an object, land/real estate, intellectual property or some other kind of property."
"At common law, an estate is the totality of the legal rights, interests, entitlements and obligations attaching to property. In the context of wills and probate, it refers to the totality of the property which the deceased owned or in which some interest was held. It may also refer to an estate in land." [9]
Well that doesn't sound too bad, if once again the mortgage has been paid off in full. I wonder if there is a difference between possession and exclusive possession in the above definition of ownership.
"At common law, a mortgage was a conveyance of land that on its face was absolute and conveyed a fee simple estate, but which was in fact conditional, and would be of no effect if certain conditions were not met --- usually, but not necessarily, the repayment of a debt to the original landowner." [10]
Hmm, now it's gone from complicated to very conditional, as in the difference between exclusive ownership and ownership.
Conditions
Now we find that a conveyance of land that on its face was absolute (kind of like exclusive) was in fact conditional and could be of NO EFFECT.
Bankruptcy
It almost sounds like none of us really owns anything outright, as in allodial title, which is reserved for governments or the Royal Family, which are the same. Complicating matters even more is the law of bankruptcy:
"Under the law of bankruptcy in the United States, the "estate" is defined by the Bankruptcy Code as all assets or property of any kind belonging to the debtor which is available for distribution to creditors. The bankruptcy estate is defined at 11 U.S.C.§541. In some cases, the person with legal responsibility for the estate is the trustee." [11]
Rights
The creditors have more rights to the property than the individual who "bought" the property and is paying off the mortgage. In fact, the debtor does not retain the title to the property until the mortgage is paid in full. In the mean time, the creditor owns and has possession of the title.
The poor borrower is at the back of the line regarding ownership of any property; as before him, in the eyes of the court, is the lender; and ahead of the lender is the State. The buyer is last in line. Yes - I know, it is hard to believe. So here is a bit of evidence:
Senate Document No. 43
"The ultimate ownership of all property is in the state; individual so-called ownership' is only by virtue of government, i.e., law, amounting to a mere user; and use must be in accordance with law and subordinate to the necessities of the State." [12]
One could reasonably argue that it makes perfect sense that the creditor or lender owns the title and the property; until such time when the borrower (buyer) pays off his loan from the creditor, especially if the lender can show proof that he paid in full for the property and holds a legal title. Now the fun part begins, as we are going to look a bit closer at this thing called lending.
Lending
When one decides they want to buy a house or property, they go to their friendly banker to take out a loan to purchase the real estate. Just for the sake of an example, let us say we are going to buy a $1,000,000.00 house. We have to come up with a deposit and the required proof that we can reasonably be expected to pay off the loan, which runs for a period of 30 years.
The "proof" usually includes having a good job with an income large enough to not only service the debt for the house, but to also supply adequate resources to pay all the other necessary bills to survive in today's modern world. Any other existing debt is of consequence, as well as our history regarding paying off debt.
Credit by Mortgage
If we pass inspection, our friendly banker says that if we put down a 10% deposit of $100,000.00 dollars, then he will loan us the balance of the money needed to purchase the house. The banker offers to extend us credit via a mortgage.
This on the surface sounds straightforward and innocuous. Millions of people have done it, and millions more do it each day. Nevertheless, let us dig beneath the surface a bit to see what we can discover.
The price of the house is $1 million dollars. We are going to put down a 10% deposit of $100,000.00. The difference of $900,000.00 the banker is going to loan to us. Of course, he will charge us interest on the loan, as that is what bankers do - they collect their hard earned vig, as do all good collectivists.
So, we sign the mortgage and take out the loan. We also get a schedule of monthly payments for the next 30 YEARS. These are our mortgage payments, which include not only the $900,000.00 but the monthly charge of interest on it as well.
Debt Servitude
Note: when we sign on the dotted line of a 30 year mortgage, we obligate ourselves to work for the next 30 years, to earn enough income to service our newly acquired debt: the mortgage loan.
To get possession of the title we must pay off the loan; in consequence, we have accepted a large obligation that lasts for most of our adult life. Faust must be smiling.
If a borrower takes the full 30 years to pay off the mortgage loan, by the time all is said and done, they will have paid the banker almost 3 times the original purchase price of $1,000,000.00 - a total of almost $3,000,000.00. Oh yes, we get to pay property taxes as well.
Needless to say, the banker makes out quite well. Come to think of it, he must be very rich to be able to lend so many people so much money. I wonder where the banker got all the money to loan out to everyone.
Where's The Money
The truth of the matter is that the banker does not lend any of "his" money. In fact, the banker does not lend any money, as the money does not really exist. All the banker does is extend credit. He simply marks in his ledger (computer screen) that he is loaning you $900,000.00 dollars.
"Mr. Patman warns us to remember that: "The cash, in truth, does not exist and never has existed. What we call 'cash reserves' are simply bookkeeping credits entered upon the ledgers of the Federal Reserve Banks. These credits are created by the Federal Reserve Banks and then passed along through the banking system." [13]
Does the banker or the bank have this money on deposit in reserves at the bank? No, they do not. The money did not exist until the banker created it by the very act of lending it to you, and marking it in his ledger.
The extension of credit, whereby money is created - is nothing more than a bunch of double-entry bookkeeping figures. Tough work if you can get it.
"Modern Money Mechanics publication from Chicago, once again: "Deposits are merely book entries...demand deposits are liabilities of commercial banks. The banks stand ready to convert such deposits into currency or transfer their ownership at the request of depositors." [14]
That is all our monetary system is under the thumb of paper fiat debt-money: empty, hollow promises to pay - promises that can never be kept. How could they be - there is no money. It is all just a scam, a fraud - an illusion of delusion.
Debt Equals Money
How can this possibly be true, the reader must be asking. Our government would not allow this - would they? Yes, they would, and yes, they have.
"And, from further testimony from the Federal Reserve itself: In a publication from the Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago, entitled "Two Faces of Debt," -- "Currency is so widely accepted as a medium of exchange that most people do not think of it as debt." [15]
On June 5, 1933, Congress passed the House Joint Resolution 192 to suspend the gold standard and the redeemability in gold of paper money. Since that time, it has been impossible to lawfully pay off a debt. The resolution stated:
"... Whereas the holding or dealing in gold affect the PUBLIC INTEREST, [STATE-Corporate Interest] and are therefore subject to proper regulation and restriction: and whereas the existing emergency has disclosed that provisions of obligations which purport to give the obligee a RIGHT TO REQUIRE PAYMENT in gold or a particular kind of coin or currency . . . ARE INCONSISTENT WITH THE DECLARED POLICY OF CONGRESS IN THE PAYMENT OF DEBTS . . . PAYMENT in gold or a particular kind of coin or currency, or in an amount in money of the united States measured thereby, IS DECLARED TO BE AGAINST PUBLIC POLICY: . . . AND . . . EVERY OBLIGATION, HERETOFORE OR HEREAFTER INCURRED, SHALL BE DISCHARGED upon payment, dollar for dollar, in any coin or currency which, at the time of payment, is legal tender for public and private debts . . ." [16]
This statute accomplishes four unbelievably corrupt acts. The first two are: it dismisses what was left of the hard currency monetary system of the Constitution (gold & silver coin), for being inconsistent with the declared policy of Congress; and it declares the constitutional mandate to accept gold as legal tender to be against public policy.
Constitution & Law
These acts are not in keeping with the Constitution, and can only be changed by a constitutional amendment - which has not occurred. We are hereby reminded, why any law, if not in pursuance of the Constitution, is null and void, as if it never occurred; and consequently, is not part of The Supreme Law of the Land.
It also allows for debts to be discharged WITHOUT the use of the hard money currency of gold and silver coin of the Constitution, thereby allowing for the use of paper fiat debt-money in the discharge of debt - or what the Federal Reserve refers to as: monetizing the debt.
Credit Equals Money Equals Debt
Lastly, by instituting a paper fiat debt-money system, whereby credit and debt and money are one and the same - it is issuing debt obligations that are backed by the credit extended by the acceptance of all mortgages on our homes, and other private property.
"The Federal Reserve Notes, therefore, in form have some of the qualities of government paper money, but, in substance, are almost purely asset currency possessing a government guaranty against which contingency the government has made no provision whatever." [17]
Essentially, it comes down to the fact that we borrow money that does not really exist as it did when gold and silver coin was money. Back then the hard currency existed. Today, most of what is called the money supply, as well as the supply of credit, is nothing more than numbers on the ledger of the lender's books.
Perpetual Interest
In addition, the lender gets to create more money or credit - by simply offering it to us. When we accept the offer, money and debt are created by the act of accepting credit.
Money, debt, and credit are one in the same in a paper fiat land, as opposed to a hard currency monetary system of Honest Weights and Measures, as stated in the Constitution and the Coinage Act of 1792. Then silver and gold coin circulated as the currency.
"Mariner Eccles, former chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, held the following exchange with Congressman Patman before the House Banking and Currency Committee on September 30, 1941:
Congressman Patman: "Mr. Eccles, how did you get the money to buy those two billions of government securities?"
Mr. Eccles: "We created it."
Patman: "Out of what?"
Mr. Eccles: "Out of the right to issue credit money." [18]
Bond-age
A paper fiat monetary system of debt-money also insures that there is a perpetual national debt, which insures a perpetual service of interest payments to the elite collectivist.
"They should not have foisted that kind of currency, namely an asset currency, on the United States Government. They should not have made the government liable on the private debts of individuals and corporations and, least of all on the private debts of foreigners." [19]
It is nothing more than monetary prostitution of our freedom and liberty, as well as our children's and their children's.
Payment or Discharge
This is why Joint Resolution 192 switches from payment of debt to the discharge of debt. With real money of gold and silver coin, one can pay debts - hell that is the purpose for having money. However, when you do away with real money, you no longer have any real way to pay off debts - so now they are simply discharged by, or transferred to, others.
Perhaps this is why Congressman Long stated the following:
"That is the equity of what we are about to do. Yes, you are going to close us down. Yes; you have already closed us down, and have been doing it long before this year. Our President says that for 3 years we have been on the way to bankruptcy. We have been on the way to bankruptcy longer than 3 years. We have been on the way to bankruptcy ever since we began to allow the financial mastery of this country gradually to get into the hands of a little clique that has held it right up until they would send us to the grave." [20]
It appears that Congressman Patman understood it all too well when he said:
"I want to show you where the people are being imposed upon by reason of the delegation of this tremendous power. I invite your attention to the fact that section 16 of the Federal Reserve Act provides that whenever the Government of the United States issues and delivers money, Federal Reserve notes, which are based on the credit of the Nation--they represent a mortgage upon your home and my home, and upon all the property of all the people of the Nation--to the Federal Reserve agent, an interest charge shall be collected for the Government." [21]
There is much more to say on this, however, this is a good start. More will follow in due course, especially by what ways and means land was originally obtained, and just what is this thing called Common Law.
If the above is true, which I believe to be the case, we all must take a stand on the issue of Honest Money by using our power to vote. We need to vote the right people into position to make the overhaul of a pernicious system happen.
It cannot be done all at one time - but a journey of 1000 miles begins with one step, and is further advanced, one step at a time. If man can build the Great Pyramid, thousands of years ago - we can at least institute the mandates of the Constitution, including Honest Money.
There is a saying that if all good men doing nothing, then evil can endure. If all good men cast their Light as beacons of truth - evil dissipates, as all it is - is the absence of Light.
Babaji speaks to devotees: Blessings, Change is difficult. The Lower Self cannot accept change. It will create division to avoid change. Division is destructive. Division causes misery and despair. Be Alert to this. Be Aware of this. Change is inevitable
"Simplicity without a name
Is free from all external aim.
With no desire, at rest and still,
All things go right as of their will." [22]
[1] Plutarch
[2] Wikipedia
[3] Wikipedia
[4] Wikipedia
[5] Wikipedia
[6] Internal Revenue Code Section 6231
[7] Wikipedia
[8] Wikipedia
[9] Wikipedia
[10] Wikipedia
[11] Wikipedia
[12] Senate Document No. 43, "Contracts payable in Gold" written in 1933.
[13] Congressional Record
[14] Modern Money Mechanics
[15] Federal Reserves "Two Faces of Debt"
[16] House Join Resolution 1933
[17] Congressional Record
[18] House Banking & Currency Meeting Records - 1941
[19] Senator Packman
[20] Congressman Long - Congressional Records
[21] Congressional Record, Congressman Patman, March 13, 1933
[22] Tao Teh King by Lao-Tzu
Talk BackTalk Back
Douglas V. Gnazzo
Honest Money Gold & Silver Report
Market reversal or just a bounce? This tool can tell you
By Deron Wagner
TradingMarkets.com
May 30, 2006 9:00 AM ET
Stocks bounced higher for the third consecutive session last Friday, as trading activity slowed ahead of the holiday weekend. The S&P 500 (SPX), Nasdaq Composite (COMP), Dow Jones Industrial Average (DJX), S&P Midcap 400, and small-cap Russell 2000 indices each gained 0.6%. Each of the major indices also finished near their intraday highs, although the Nasdaq was relatively choppy. Overall, last week's one percent bounce in the S&P 500 was a welcome relief for the bulls, but the index still remains 2.3% lower for the month. With two days remaining in May, the Nasdaq is down 4.8% in the same time period.
As anticipated, turnover declined significantly in last Friday's session. Traders cutting out early for the Memorial Day holiday contributed to total volume in both the NYSE and Nasdaq coming in 23% below their respective levels of the prior day. It was the lightest volume day for both exchanges in more than five weeks. The broad market registered solid price gains between last Thursday and Friday's sessions, but the problem is that total volume levels fell off substantially both days. Preceding Friday's 23% decline in volume was 24% lighter volume in both exchanges the previous day. As such, the stock market's gains of the past two days certainly have not been confirmed by higher volume. While higher volume is not always necessary in order to signify a market bottom, there generally needs to be an overall pattern of accumulation either when the rally starts or immediately preceding it. So far, the only accumulation we have seen was the higher volume gains of the May 24 reversal day. Conversely, a vast majority of the market's down days in recent weeks have been on higher volume, which signifies institutional distribution.
Did last week's retracement in the broad market represent a bottom or was it merely a technical bounce within the context of the downtrend that began earlier this month? One tool that is useful for answering this question in situations such as this is the use of Fibonacci retracements. Simply put, the three major Fibonacci retracement levels we follow are 38.2%, 50%, and 61.8%. In a downtrend, the less an index or stock retraces, the more likely it is to head back down and continue its downtrend (the opposite is true in uptrends). A market that is steadily trending lower will commonly retrace up to 38.2% or even 50% of its last downward move before resuming the current trend and setting new lows. However, if a downtrending market retraces more than 61.8% of the last move, that is often a warning sign that a bottom may have formed and the trend is about to reverse. Conversely, markets that are VERY weak may not even bounce up to the 38.2% retracement level. Since stocks have rallied off their lows for the past several days, let's take a look at where both the S&P 500 and Nasdaq-100 indices stand in relation to their Fibonacci retracement levels. We'll begin by looking at the S&P 500 SPDR (SPY), which mirrors the benchmark S&P 500 Index:
The most notable technical event in SPY is that it tested and bounced off support of its 200-day moving average last week. However, despite three straight days of gains, SPY has only recovered a little more than 38.2% of the slide from its May 5 high down to its May 24 low. The 61.8% retracement level, often a reversal point in short-term trends, lies between resistance of the 20 and 50-day moving averages. Not only is the 61.8% retracement level a major area of resistance, but both the 20 and 50-day MAs have now become major resistance levels as well. Given the lack of power behind the broad market's rally over the past few days, it seems unlikely that SPY will rally up to its 61.8% retracement level on this move before the bears step back in. Even if it does, there is now additional overhead supply created by the break of the 20 and 50-day MAs. Therefore, the daily chart points to decent odds that SPY will at least re-test last week's low before it sees its 50-day moving average again. Next, take a look at the daily chart of the Nasdaq-100 Tracking Stock (QQQQ):
As you probably noticed very quickly, last week's retracement in QQQQ lagged the recovery in SPY. When measured from its most recent peak on May 8 down to its May 24 low, QQQQ has not yet even rallied up to its 38.2% retracement level and remains well below its 20, 50, and even 200-day moving averages. While this is obviously bearish, it is not surprising considering that QQQQ also showed more relative weakness than SPY by losing a greater percentage on the way down. In fact, notice that QQQQ formed its top a full month before SPY. When SPY broke out to a new high on May 5, QQQQ merely formed a "lower high." You may recall our analysis at that time in which we suggested that the relative weakness in the Nasdaq would eventually drag down the S&P and Dow as well.
When the broad market is choppy and stuck in a trading range for a lengthy period of time, we tend to focus our analysis on specific industry sector ETFs that are showing the most relative strength or weakness to the broad-based indices. Such is the reason why a vast majority of our daily technical analysis focused on individual sectors, rather than the broad market, throughout March and April of this year. However, when the major indices are trending steadily in either direction, we find it makes sense to trade the broad-based ETFs such as SPY or QQQQ instead. In a steady uptrend, relatively easy profits can be realized through buying each price retracement down to a major Fibonacci support level and subsequently selling into strength a week or two later. Conversely, we have had an equal amount of success over the years through selling short the broad-based ETFs on rallies into Fibonacci resistance levels. Presently, we remain short the Dow Jones DIAMONDS (DIA) and regular subscribers will see our specific trigger price for adding shares to that position in the event of a resumption of the downtrend.
On a different concluding note, we want to make you aware of a new ETF that was launched on the American Stock Exchange last week -- the Market Vectors Gold Miners ETF, which trades under the ticker symbol GDX. Unlike the GLD or IAU exchange traded funds, both of which mirror the price of the spot gold commodity, GDX follows the price of the Amex Gold Mining Index, a composite of 43 individual gold mining stocks. Because the price of the commodity itself is often out of sync with the performance of the mining stocks, the new Gold Miners ETF provides a way to easily participate in the mining index without the need to determine which are the best performing stocks in such a volatile sector. GDX has been added to the Morpheus ETF Roundup report and will be included in the next revision that is automatically e-mailed to subscribers.
http://www.tradingmarkets.com/.site/Swingtrading/Commentary/todaysetfo/-52048.cfm
The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind - Le Bon, Gustave
http://etext.lib.virginia.edu/etcbin/toccer-new2?id=BonCrow.sgm&images=images/modeng&data=/t...
THE following work is devoted to an account of the characteristics of crowds.
The whole of the common characteristics with which heredity endows the individuals of a race constitute the genius of the race. When, however, a certain number of these individuals are gathered together in a crowd for purposes of action, observation proves that, from the mere fact of their being assembled, there result certain new psychological characteristics, which are added to the racial characteristics and differ from them at times to a very considerable degree.
Organised crowds have always played an important part in the life of peoples, but this part has never been of such moment as at present. The substitution of the unconscious action of crowds for the conscious activity of individuals is one of the principal characteristics of the present age.
I have endeavoured to examine the difficult problem presented by crowds in a purely scientific manner -- that is, by making an effort to proceed with method, and without being influenced by
opinions, theories, and doctrines. This, I believe, is the only mode of arriving at the discovery of some few particles of truth, especially when dealing, as is the case here, with a question that is the subject of impassioned controversy. A man of science bent on verifying a phenomenon is not called upon to concern himself with the interests his verifications may hurt. In a recent publication an eminent thinker, M. Goblet d'Alviela, made the remark that, belonging to none of the contemporary schools, I am occasionally found in opposition of sundry of the conclusions of all of them. I hope this new work will merit a similar observation. To belong to a school is necessarily to espouse its prejudices and preconceived opinions.
Still I should explain to the reader why he will find me draw conclusions from my investigations which it might be thought at first sight they do not bear; why, for instance, after noting the extreme mental inferiority of crowds, picked assemblies included, I yet affirm it would be dangerous to meddle with their organisation, notwithstanding this inferiority.
The reason is, that the most attentive observation of the facts of history has invariably demonstrated to me that social organisms being every whit as complicated as those of all beings, it is in no wise in our power to force them to undergo on a sudden far-reaching transformations. Nature has recourse at times to radical measures, but never after our fashion, which explains how it is that nothing is more fatal to a people than the mania for great reforms, however excellent these reforms may appear theoretically. They would only be useful were it possible to change instantaneously the genius of nations. This power, however, is only possessed by time. Men are ruled by ideas, sentiments, and customs -- matters which are of the essence of ourselves. Institutions and laws are the outward manifestation of our character, the expression of its needs. Being its outcome, institutions and laws cannot change this character.
The study of social phenomena cannot be separated from that of the peoples among whom they have come into existence. From the philosophic point of view these phenomena may have an absolute value; in practice they have only a relative value.
It is necessary, in consequence, when studying a social phenomenon, to consider it successively under two very different aspects. It will then be seen that the teachings of pure reason are very often contrary to those of practical reason. There are scarcely any data, even physical, to which this distinction is not applicable. From the point of view of absolute truth a cube or a circle are invariable geometrical figures, rigorously defined by certain formulas. From the point of view of the impression they make on our eye these geometrical figures may assume very varied shapes. By perspective the cube may be transformed into a pyramid or a square, the circle into an ellipse or a straight line. Moreover, the consideration of these fictitious shapes is far more important than that of the real shapes, for it is they and they alone that we see and that can be reproduced by photography or in pictures. In certain cases there is more truth in the unreal than in the real. To present objects with their exact geometrical forms would be to distort nature and render it unrecognisable. If we imagine a world whose inhabitants could only copy or photograph objects, but were unable to touch them, it would be very difficult for such persons to attain to an exact idea of their form. Moreover, the knowledge of this form, accessible only to a small number of learned men, would present but a very minor interest.
The philosopher who studies social phenomena should bear in mind that side by side with their theoretical value they possess a practical value, and that this latter, so far as the evolution of civilisation is concerned, is alone of importance. The recognition of this fact should render him very circumspect with regard to the conclusions that logic would seem at first to enforce upon him.
There are other motives that dictate to him a like reserve. The complexity of social facts is such, that it is impossible to grasp them as a whole and to foresee the effects of their reciprocal influence. It seems, too, that behind the visible facts are hidden at times thousands of invisible causes. Visible social phenomena appear to be the result of an immense, unconscious working, that as a rule is beyond the reach of our analysis. Perceptible phenomena may be compared to the waves, which are the expression on the surface of the ocean of deep-lying disturbances of which we know nothing. So far as the majority of their acts are considered, crowds display a singularly inferior mentality; yet there are other acts in which they appear to be guided by those mysterious forces which the ancients denominated destiny, nature, or providence, which we call the voices of the dead, and whose power it is impossible to overlook, although we ignore their essence. It would seem, at times, as if there were latent forces in the inner being of nations which serve to guide them. What, for instance, can be more complicated, more logical, more marvellous than a language? Yet whence can this admirably organised production have arisen, except it be the outcome of the unconscious genius of crowds? The most learned academics, the most esteemed grammarians can do no more than note down the laws that govern languages; they would be utterly incapable of creating them. Even with respect to the ideas of great men are we certain that they are exclusively the offspring of their brains? No doubt such ideas are always created by solitary minds, but is it not the genius of crowds that has furnished the thousands of grains of dust forming the soil in which they have sprung up?
Crowds, doubtless, are always unconscious, but this very unconsciousness is perhaps one of the secrets of their strength. In the natural world beings exclusively governed by instinct accomplish acts whose marvellous complexity astounds us. Reason is an attribute of humanity of too recent date and still too imperfect to reveal to us the laws of the unconscious, and still more to take its place. The part played by the unconscious in all our acts is immense, and that played by reason very small. The unconscious acts like a force still unknown.
If we wish, then, to remain within the narrow but safe limits within which science can attain to knowledge, and not to wander in the domain of vague conjecture and vain hypothesis, all we must do is simply to take note of such phenomena as are accessible to us, and confine ourselves to their consideration. Every conclusion drawn from our observation is, as a rule, premature, for behind the phenomena which we see clearly are other phenomena that we see indistinctly, and perhaps behind these latter, yet others which we do not see at all.
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION.
THE ERA OF CROWDS.
BOOK I.
THE MIND OF CROWDS.
CHAPTER I. PAGE
GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS OF CROWDS -- PSYCHOLOGICAL
LAW OF THEIR MENTAL UNITY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
CHAPTER II.
THE SENTIMENTS AND MORALITY OF CROWDS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16
CHAPTER III.
THE IDEAS, REASONING POWER, AND IMAGINATION
OF CROWDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .47
CHAPTER IV.
A RELIGIOUS SHAPE ASSUMED BY ALL THE CONVICTIONS
OF CROWDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .62
-- --
BOOK II.
THE OPINIONS AND BELIEFS OF CROWDS.
CHAPTER I.
REMOTE FACTORS OF THE OPINIONS AND BELIEFS
OF CROWDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .70
-xii-
CHAPTER II. PAGE
THE IMMEDIATE FACTORS OF THE OPINIONS OF
CROWDS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .98
CHAPTER III.
THE LEADERS OF CROWDS AND THEIR MEANS OF
PERSUASION. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117
CHAPTER IV.
LIMITATIONS OF THE VARIABILITY OF THE BELIEFS
AND OPINIONS OF CROWDS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 147
-- --
BOOK III.
THE CLASSIFICATION AND DESCRIPTION OF THE
DIFFERENT KINDS OF CROWDS.
CHAPTER I.
THE CLASSIFICATION OF CROWDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 164
CHAPTER II.
CROWDS TERMED CRIMINAL CROWDS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 171
CHAPTER III.
CRIMINAL JURIES. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 178
CHAPTER IV.
ELECTORAL CROWDS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 189
CHAPTER V.
PARLIAMENTARY ASSEMBLIES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 203
PART 2- Why the Global Financial System is About to Collapse Part 2
by John Law
May 20, 2006
Gold's weapons against government
Gold's main weapon is one we alluded to already: a sudden, self-reinforcing, and complete collapse of the dollar and all other artificial currencies (except maybe the Swiss franc). It's time to look at exactly how this would work.
In a nutshell, the problem with the dollar is that it's brittle. It's hard to imagine a Volcker-style, contractionary defense of the dollar today. When Volcker did his thing, the US was a net creditor nation with a balance-of-payments surplus. Its financial system was relatively small and stable. And it had much more control over the economic policies of its trading partners - the political relationship between the US and China is very different from the old US/Japanese tension.
Fed policy since the crash of 1987 has been to insure against risk by stabilizing crises with liquidity injections - that is, hefty dollops of new money. It's no secret that the financial industry has responded by taking on more and more risk. This vicious cycle of "moral hazard" is a policy that's hard to change. For today's Fed, short-term rates of 5% are dangerously high. 25% is not a serious option.
Any fractional-reserve banking and monetary system, like the US's, is destabilized by any outflow of dollars. For the Fed, what is really frightening is not a high gold price, but a rapid increase in the gold price. Momentum in gold is the logical precursor to a self-sustaining gold panic.
In a self-sustaining panic, flight to gold destabilizes the banking system and the bond market, causing waves of bankruptcy across the financial industry. The Fed's cure for bankruptcy is more liquidity - but monetary expansion only increases the incentive to buy gold. In the endgame, money flows out of the dollar as fast as the Fed can pump it in. This is the collapse scenario that leads to remonetization.
One of the reasons the gold price has been rising lately is that central banks' ability to inject gold into the market, whether by leasing or outright sales, has become quite limited. The US needs congressional approval to sell gold. European banks used to be enthusiastic sellers and leasers, but are not unconcerned about the longevity of the dollar, and agreed in the 1999 and 2004 Washington Agreements to restrict their gold disbursements.
And one problem with gold leasing is that a gold lease has to leave someone with the obligation to return that gold. If the gold is sold for dollars, the seller is short gold, and loses a dollar every time the gold price goes up a dollar. Central banks are not known for refusing to roll over gold leases, and their rates are very low (under 0.20% these days). But public companies have to report these losses on their balance sheets. In the '90s, when the gold price seemed to be under control, borrowing gold for a carry trade seemed like a good idea. The gold price is unstable and going up these days, and new leases are the last thing on most people's mind.
Of course, the US government can play the other side of the ball and - at the very least - limit purchases of gold. But this, as we've seen, means showing fear. Dogs have nothing on hedge funds when it comes to smelling fear. And it's an illusion to think that the US and its allies own the global financial system.
If the US imposed exchange controls on gold, the instant result would be a replacement of dollars with gold as a global reserve currency by China, Russia, and the Arab oil bloc. It is hard to imagine, for example, Dubai, closing its gold market. The result would be an international exchange rate between gold and dollars, and a black market in the US. Economists understand this very well, and I can assure you that no one wants to go there.
One significant mistake which makes a collapse much more likely was licensing the gold ETFs. It is easy to underestimate the value of mere insulation in protecting the dollar.
In 1980, to buy gold, you had to go to a coin dealer and pay as much as 10% in round-trip transaction costs - and then, of course, you had to store the stuff. If we imagine an ordinary corporate stock which you had to buy at a "stock dealer" in the same way as 1980 gold, it's easy to see how few investors it would attract. Similarly, bullion was off the reservation for almost all money managers. Sure, eccentric oilmen, Bond villains and South American dictators could hold bullion in Zurich. But how many South American dictators can there be in the world?
In retrospect, remonetization of gold in 1980 had no chance at all. What the goldbugs of 1980 failed to see was that physical currency of any kind, paper or gold, was a relic. Gold could not compete with dollars because there was no way to hold or move it electronically. The only electronic market for gold was the futures market. And since most futures market trades do not exchange actual metal, but are settled for cash, futures trading in gold did not perform the critical market function of shifting physical gold from people who valued it less to those who wanted it more. Retail investors certainly did go to their coin stores and buy Krugerrands, but the Fed could move faster and harder.
It's interesting to note that this kind of insulation, in the form of small overheads in shipping and redeeming gold, also played a large part in managing fractional-reserve gold currencies in the 19th century. If, as I think, it was also crucial in the Fed's 1980 victory, why do we have gold ETFs?
The gold ETFs (GLD and IAU) let anyone move any amount of money into or out of gold at minimal cost. Investors who value everything in gold can use the gold ETFs to treat the dollar the way our retiree in Argentina treated the peso. They can work and spend in dollars, and save in gold.
So why would a financial system that has spent the last century insulating itself against gold turn around and plug the dollar directly into the stuff?
The answer is just that the Fed didn't approve the gold ETFs. The SEC did. And yes, if the Trilateral Commission was still in charge, this never would have happened. But in reality, the US government is not a single big conspiracy, but an enormous jumble of individually gigantic agencies, each of which has its own internal culture and is utterly convinced that its own goals are identical to the public good.
To the SEC, free markets are always a good thing, and the idea that the dollar could owe its life to suppressing them is not one that comes naturally. Even at the Fed, I'm sure almost no one worries about gold, and those who do don't run their mouths off about it. The Fed certainly does communicate with the SEC, but there is a process for these things. Washington certainly has its secrets, and one man's secret is another man's conspiracy, but there is no such thing as an interagency secret.
If the US federal government was a perfectly executed and utterly malevolent conspiracy to dominate the world, let's face it. The world wouldn't stand a chance.
In reality, it's neither. So a lot of things happen in the world that Washington doesn't want to see happen, and that it could easily prevent. Anticipating surprises is not its strength.
The real surprise is not just the ETFs. It's the combination of the ETFs and the Internet.
In the end, gold is a democracy. The gold price is not set by the LBMA or the Comex. It's set by the opinions of all the people who have savings. If you could buy an ounce of gold for $1, pretty much everyone would buy all they could. If you could sell an ounce of gold for a villa in Portofino, pretty much everyone would sell all they could. Somewhere in between is the current price of gold, and all that sets it is public opinion. Of course, peoples' opinions are weighted by the size of their savings, but that's the free market for you.
The dollar is a democracy, too. I'm indebted to Dallas Fed President Richard Fisher for the phrase "faith-based currency." As we've seen, all money, natural or artificial, is faith-based. Gold is only different because no one can print it. The price of gold will never fall to zero because gold is good for capping teeth and plating plumbing fixtures. The price of dollars will never fall to zero because a dollar is made from fine rag pulp with quality recyclable fibers. But everything else is faith.
What can change this faith? And how fast can it change?
Right now, our assumption is that the answers are "very little" and "very slowly." But this may no longer be true.
I don't think it's an accident that the 20th century was the golden age of both artificial currency and broadcast news. When licensed airwaves and monopoly newspapers were the only ways for for people to update their knowledge of the world, paper money could sleep well at night.
For example, let's try a thought experiment.
Suppose the New York Times is taken over, tomorrow, by goldbugs. Let's say all of its editors, reporters, and columnists read this essay, find it plausible, and decide to really speak some "truth to power."
From tomorrow on, the Times puts all its weight into reminding its readers of the undeniably true and objective facts that the dollar is a faith-based currency; that new dollars are being created at about 10% a year; that the current US financial system was designed a hundred years ago, in the age of Morgan, Hearst and Rockefeller, to create a steady flow of new dollars for both federal spending and corporate welfare; that the global financial system is now completely dependent on money creation, and could not survive in anything like its present form with a static money supply; that remonetization of precious metals is a Nash equilibrium; and that if remonetization happens, the first people who move their money into gold will profit the most.
How many weeks do you think it'll take before the Gray Lady's pulp supply starts to turn a little green?
Of course we'll never know, because this will never happen. For the last century, the first commandment of the mainstream media has been responsible journalism. Promoting financial panics is not exactly responsible journalism.
I'm afraid anonymous bloggers have no such inhibitions. More on this in a little bit.
The silver factor
You'll notice that I mentioned silver at the start of this essay, but I haven't touched it since.
One question about remonetization that's essentially impossible to answer is, assuming remonetization of metals, which metals exactly will become monetized.
Over time, the Mengerian process of standardization will tend to reduce the number of monetized commodities, possibly to one. Standardization favors the leader, and it is an unstable game: since losers by definition delevitate, it makes sense to flee them as soon as possible. Since gold, just for historical reasons, is the leader, it may be the only survivor.
On the other hand, on a modern electronic market, it's not clear how important Mengerian standardization is. According to Menger's model, money standardizes because it is inconvenient to be constantly converting value between multiple moneys. But it's a lot easier with computers. And one effect that tends to counteract Mengerian standardization is the obvious desire to diversify one's savings.
What's interesting right now is that monetization seems to be affecting a wide range of nonferrous metals - not just those traditionally considered "precious." This makes sense, because the only reason precious metals are precious is that they are rare enough that it's easy to store and handle significant levels of collectible value. Since warehouse costs for base metals such as copper, lead, or zinc are not high, there is no reason why electronic claims to these metals cannot be monetized.
An alternative would be the equal monetization of all precious metals. The conventional precious metals are gold, silver, and the platinum-group metals: platinum, palladium, rhodium, iridium, ruthenium, and osmium. Perhaps, for example, an equal percentage of the global inventory of gold and osmium would have the same monetary value. If so, it's time to stock up on osmium.
But a good guess is that if a new monetary system levitates one metal, it will be gold. If it levitates two, it will be gold and silver. It's not the physical properties of these metals, but their historical and cultural associations, that make them more likely to displace the others.
Silver is interesting because it was demonetized before gold, and has (except for the 1980 episode) been priced mostly as an industrial metal in the modern era. However, because silver was a monetary metal for most of human history, central banks built up vast stockpiles. After World War II, banks felt the need to keep their gold but not their silver, and they sold the latter to industrial users, generally at very congenial prices. The silver market has seen net dissaving, mostly from these government hoards, for most of the last 60 years and all of the last 20.
The result is that most of the world's silver, certainly in the tens of billions of ounces, has been consumed in nonrecoverable industrial uses such as photography and electronics. Estimates for the global supply of silver bullion vary widely, but are generally under 1 billion ounces. Since the ratio of silver to gold price by weight is about 50 to 1 at the moment, by value there is perhaps 200 times as much monetary gold as monetary silver in the world.
The silver market has become very comfortable with net dissaving, and any serious reversal of this trend seems likely to cause an ugly increase in the price. The recent (April 28) opening of a silver ETF, SLV, makes such an increase likely; in fact, the silver price doubled while the ETF was going through the approval process. Since its approval the ETF has been sucking down about 3 million ounces of silver a day, which is clearly unsustainable.
So there are three factors favoring the parallel remonetization of gold and silver. One is the traditional monetary relationship between the two metals. Two is the fact that since central banks hold very little silver, it's hard for them to manage the price. Three is that since no one really has much silver at all, any flow back into the ETF will cause some serious levitation.
One Nash equilibrium strategy for gold and silver - we could call it strategy GS - is to value the extractable quantity of silver and the extractable quantity of gold on earth equally. This seems to be the strategy that people followed before the age of artificial currencies.
Obviously if silver is remonetized, silver stockpiles will have to increase, and the process may be chaotic. However, balancing the two diversifies against fluctuations in either, and natural fluctuations - for example, as a result of mining exploration or technology discoveries - are inevitable in any metallic monetary system. So a parallel standard may actually stick around.
A plan for structured remonetization
Who knows with these Internet things. I have no idea of how many people will read this essay. But I have never liked people who complain and don't offer constructive solutions.
And since it is, in theory, possible that this link will spread virally and actually cause a remonetization event, I think it would be irresponsible of me not to include a few simple suggestions for how to handle it right.
First, the financial markets should be closed. This is obviously not a permanent solution. But why operate without anesthetic?
Second, the US federal government should be restructured as if it were a bankrupt company, distributing the US gold reserve of 8139 tons among holders of US liabilities, including both dollars and debt, and both explicit liabilities such as Treasury notes and implicit ones such as Social Security.
The result will be a new financial system in which the legal currency is directly allocated gold without any fractional pyramiding. The new government should be fiscally stable as a long-term operating concern. It will have to be, because it will be unable to print money.
Some federal programs will probably have to be cut. At a minimum, the practice of defining national security as global security is probably unsustainable. The US should retain a small strategic and conventional force which can deter terrorist and other attacks by proportional response, and secure its borders. It should adopt Switzerland's foreign policy and modify it as circumstances demand.
All federally guaranteed liabilities of the United States should be valued equally at their price or estimated price before the crisis. For example, Federal Reserve Notes and FDIC insured bank deposits should have equal value and seniority, Treasury bonds should be valued at their current discounted price, and so on.
Both the Federal Reserve and the entire banking system should be treated as part of the US government, because they both are. Any institution that is not allowed to fail is effectively part of the government. Shares of stock in banks and other lenders engaged in mismatched-maturity (fractional-reserve) banking should become US liabilities at the current dollar price. Loans held by banks should be redenominated in gold according to the calculated exchange rate (see below) and sold at auction.
The entire US gold reserve should be converted to an electronic account system in which individuals and companies hold directly allocated gold and can redeem, deposit, and make payments. The system should also support accounting for silver and all other precious metals. Ownership of the gold should be distributed equally among holders of US liabilities, not discriminating between domestic and foreign creditors. This calculation will generate a final exchange rate between dollars and gold.
In some cases, as in Social Security, the US may hold its own liabilities, and it may maintain a small fiscal reserve. However, because of the inevitable temptation to create more virtual than physical gold, the US gold system should be broken into interoperable parts and privatized as soon as is practical.
The new US currency should be the gold milligram. Stock markets should be repriced in milligrams according to the dollar exchange rate, and reopened as soon as possible.
Property rights of existing gold holders (such as, of course, myself) should be respected. However, some gold confiscation is inevitable. Since the concept of capital gains on gold becomes meaningless with a gold currency, all holders of gold or silver who are US persons should pay an immediate 28% tax on their entire stash, in lieu of the existing rate on bullion gains. 28% is large enough to be significant and small enough that it won't stimulate excessive evasion. Similarly, mineral rights should be preserved, but a similar royalty should be applied.
There, that's my plan. I think it's a good one. But I would, wouldn't I?
By switching the currency completely to gold and converting US debt as well as US dollars, the plan provides one last blast of monetary expansion while precluding any further debasement, except of course as the result of new discoveries and technical advances in gold mining. Of course, people who hold dollars or dollar bonds will get jacked. But because of the volume of dollar claims, which must be handled fairly and equally, there is no way around this. And people who hold dollars or dollar bonds have been getting jacked for years, which is why they've been so eager to move them into stocks or housing.
I don't think there is a realistic way to only partially revalue the dollar, maintaining some kind of artificial currency, sovereign debt, and fractional-reserve banking system. I think any attempt to switch to gold that does not go all the way in one step is likely to collapse itself and cause further chaos. But of course, I'm sure others will disagree.
And of course, there is no way to remonetize to precious metals without either providing enormous profits to present holders of said metals (such as, again, myself), or installing a new police state that would treat gold as if it was cocaine. The reason I recommend buying gold ETFs, rather than burying Krugerrands in the backyard, is that I don't think the kind of grassroots political support for state power and central planning that allowed the confiscation of gold in 1933 exists these days. I hope I'm not wrong about this.
So you say you want a revolution
I've tried to maintain some small shred of objectivity here. But I admit it; I would like to see a remonetization. I think our current system of government needs a serious reboot.
I respect and understand people who disagree with me on this, or who think it's a bad idea to work for change outside the normal political process. From my perspective, the influence of the political process over the actual operations of government is small. It does not strike me as increasing.
One interesting fact about US history in the postwar era is that since the 1930s there has been no effective force in American politics focused on resisting the growth of the US federal government. The last antifederalist Democrat was John Nance Garner. The last antifederalist Republican was Robert Taft.
In general it is always difficult for an antifederalist party to exist. It tends to get taken over by interests ambitious to use the power of state to some political advantage. But since federal institutions have grown continuously since the country was founded, and since an omnipotent national government is so obviously contrary to the intent of the founders, who set down their plans in documents that still exist and that anyone can read, reactions against the size and power of the state have been frequent, including the original Democratic-Republicans, the Democrats of Jackson and Van Buren, Grover Cleveland's hard-money Democrats, and Harding's "return to normalcy" Republicans.
In contrast, since World War II, the political dialogue in the US has pitted voters who think Washington should guarantee global security against those who believe it should insure general public prosperity. Of course, Republicans can reliably raise support by appealing to those who oppose welfare and central planning, and Democrats are happy to accept the votes of anyone who is unhappy with the Pentagon and its imaginative projects. But in practice, as the Bush Administration has shown, the path of least resistance is to expand both sides of government.
Not all the political rhetoric in the US today is positive. There is a lot of fear and loathing between "red-state" and "blue-state" factions.
It's very easy for red-staters to think that because blue-staters believe the US should not guarantee global security, that they do not believe in global security, but think that everyone can just be nice. In some cases, this may be true.
It's very easy for blue-staters to think that because red-staters do not believe the US should provide general public prosperity, that they do not believe in general public prosperity, but only in their own prosperity. In some cases, this also may be true.
But I have trouble believing that these stereotypes are broadly accurate. They seem too politically useful for that.
It's hard to avoid noting that this structure of opinion looks like a very effective strategy of divide and conquer. I am not suggesting that anyone had a meeting and came up with this strategy, any more than anyone has a meeting and decides what the price of gold should be today. The market tends to discover effective strategies and stick with them, and political power is no less a market than any other kind of human action.
Perhaps you are happy with the growth of the US government. Perhaps you feel it is not large and powerful enough, that it needs to be larger and more powerful. In that case, preserving its power to print money is clearly necessary, and you should oppose anything that would threaten it. You should under no circumstances buy gold. In fact, if you have a few dollars to spare, you should probably short it. If the world agrees with you, gold will probably go down.
Please excuse the snarky tone. In fact, I respect people who hold this perspective. It's a fact that the US government has done a lot of good things in the world. It's a fact that all, or at least almost all, the people who make up this organization have nothing but the best of intentions.
US foreign intervention has done away with all kinds of vicious thugs, from Adolf Hitler to Pablo Escobar to Slobo Milosevic. In many cases, these thugs were not replaced by new, equally vicious thugs. In other cases, due to US money and influence, the thugs never got past the Tony Soprano stage. Today's US military is the most principled and effective force the world has ever seen. US foreign aid has also provided famine relief, medical care and vital emergency services around the globe.
US domestic programs have controlled pollution, bought medical care for sick people, persecuted white supremacists almost entirely out of existence, paid for a lot of good scientific research, improved the living standards of the elderly, etc.
Perhaps none of these things would have happened if the US did not have the power to tax by debasement. Perhaps many similar good things will not happen in the future if it loses this power. And perhaps all the harmful actions the US government takes - always, in general, with the best intentions - will continue.
But since most Americans seem to see their government as a supersized charity, which may waste a lot of money on the opposing party's imprudent schemes, but is otherwise out there doing the right thing, there are only two conclusions we can draw.
One is that if the US government lost its power to tax by silent debasement, Americans would vote to fund these valuable programs by ordinary taxation, or better yet support them directly and voluntarily as normal charities. (There is no reason military intervention cannot be run as a charity. For example, some have proposed exactly this to end the genocide in Darfur.)
Two is that Americans are a bunch of damned hypocrites. I hope it's obvious which one I believe.
What you can do
If you disagree with my economic analysis, or if you're not sure but you think this "remonetization" thing sounds like a really bad idea, nothing. You're probably a reasonable person. Most reasonable people will probably agree with you. I wouldn't worry at all.
If you have any amount of savings, I do recommend holding a little gold. All kinds of things can happen in this world. Even if gold goes down, I think it's always good insurance.
If you do buy the economics and the politics, you can take two steps.
One is to buy a prudent amount of gold and/or silver.
Two is to email this link to anyone you know who might find it interesting, especially to people who are active politically, work in the financial industry, or just have a lot of money.
Either of these steps will help. But if you're doing both, you might want to do step one first. I mean, you never know.
You can also post this essay yourself, anywhere you want. It's in the public domain.
Obviously "John Law" is not my real name. Freedom of economic speech does not seem to be a judicial priority at the moment. Maybe I'm just being paranoid, but I feel like I can write more freely with a pseudonym.
The best way to ask questions is to comment on this blog. But you can also write me at wal.nhoj@yahoo.com.
Further reading
An excellent primer on US monetary history in the 20th century, from the same general Austrian School perspective I follow, is Richard Ebeling's "Monetary Central Planning and the State":
http://www.fff.org/toc/monetarypolicytoc.asp
Wikipedia has a good rundown of Nash equilibria:
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nash_equilibrium
The best writers on gold anywhere on the Internet, in my opinion, are Bob Landis and Reginald Howe at Golden Sextant. All their essays are worth reading. Here's a fun piece about the real John Law:
http://www.goldensextant.com/GreenspanLaw.html
For an Austrian perspective on how a fractional-reserve banking system works, and how the Gilded Age saddled us with this strange creature, Murray Rothbard's "Mystery of Banking" rocks. Murray is not actually from Austria, but he does have a funny accent:
http://www.mises.org/mysteryofbanking/mysteryofbanking.pdf
A comprehensive history of money and banking from the Greco-Roman era till now, with an emphasis on legal principles, is Jesus Huerta de Soto's "Money, Bank Credit, and Economic Cycles":
http://www.mises.org/books/desoto.pdf
Ted Butler is a crazy man. You should know this. I'm a little crazy myself, obviously, so I don't say it lightly. But if you want to know what a crazy man thinks about silver, listen to Ted:
http://www.investmentrarities.com/tb-archives.html
The Silver Users Association didn't get what it wanted, but its opinion is still interesting:
http://www.sec.gov/rules/sro/amex/amex2005072/pamiller021306.pdf
If you too want to blog anonymously, I recommend the wonderful tool I use, the EFF's Tor. Send them a Krugerrand for me:
http://tor.eff.org
An invaluable resource for tracking dollar credit expansion is Doug Noland's Credit Bubble Bulletin. Doug capitalizes his nouns just like James Frey, but all his stories are actually true:
http://www.prudentbear.com/creditbubblebulletin.asp
If you're wondering what this thing called "the State" is and why all these people seem to hate it so much, Murray lays it down:
http://www.mises.org/easaran/chap3.asp
Here's what Alan Greenspan thought about gold in 1966. Or has he changed his mind? Maybe he'll let us know in his new book.
http://www.321gold.com/fed/greenspan/1966.html
And Carl Menger said it first:
http://www.mises.org/web/2692
John Law
http://johnlaw.wordpress.com/
PART 1- Why the Global Financial System is About to Collapse
by John Law
May 20, 2006
The global financial system is about to collapse because the US dollar is about to collapse.
The US dollar is about to collapse because of a simple economic fact that no one has the power to change or conceal.
The fact is that the spontaneous remonetization of the precious metals is a Nash equilibrium.
What this means in English is that an ideal financial strategy for everyone on Earth is to buy as much gold and silver as they can, as soon as possible.
To oversimplify wildly, the reason to buy gold and silver is just that everyone else should buy gold and silver, too. There are two reasons to do it as soon as possible.
One is that anyone with an investment account can move money into gold and silver with a few mouse clicks. They trade on the US markets as the stock symbols GLD and SLV.
Two is that once this information becomes widely understood, US and probably global financial markets will be closed.
There is no way to know when this will happen. It could be tomorrow. It could be a year from now. It could be longer. Since the only way this kind of a financial panic meme can spread is through the Internet, history tells us nothing.
And the good news is that if governments manage the situation well, it does not have to be a global economic and political disaster. Quite the opposite, in fact.
Remonetization of precious metals is the next step in the slow, difficult reconstruction of the peaceful and prosperous liberal world that World War I destroyed. The lights are not going out. They are coming back on. The return to classical liberalism, which some call globalization, has barely started. It has already rescued hundreds of millions of people in liberalizing countries like China and India from lives of poverty and depression. Its only opposite is nationalism, which is a recipe for war and misery. It is not perfect, but nothing is, and it must continue.
These are obviously provocative assertions. I explain them below. My hope is that you will evaluate them by thinking for yourself, rather than trusting me or any other authority.
Overview
The first rule of investing is that it's never a good idea to buy anything just because everyone else is buying it. When the price of an asset is the result of herd behavior, not fundamental value, it's called a "bubble," and bubbles always pop.
This rule is absolutely right - except in one case.
In English, a bubble that doesn't pop is called "money." Money is always fundamentally overvalued. Its purchasing power is independent of its direct physical usefulness to anyone. This is obvious for paper money, but true even for gold and silver.
For example, premodern monetary systems did not value gold above silver because gold has a higher specific gravity, because it's harder to oxidize, because it's yellow, etc. They valued gold higher because there is more silver than gold on earth, a fact that makes no difference to any direct user of silver or gold.
(I should note that there are some rare historical cases of fundamentally valued currency, such as tobacco in colonial Virginia. I prefer to define this as a kind of barter on steroids, but most writers disagree. And some assets that have never been used as currency, such as diamonds, fit my definition of money. All of this is just words, but words matter.)
The most important fact about money was described by economist Carl Menger in 1892: money is a consequence of its own history. Not every asset can serve as money, but not every asset that can serve as money will be used as money. As economists put it, money is "path-dependent" - it is a stable result of events that may be completely accidental.
We can call the transition from fundamental to monetary value "monetization." Menger and other early economists analyzed monetization in a primitive barter economy. They showed that money is a market phenomenon - that it can develop spontaneously without any official seal of approval.
It's not widely appreciated that the same monetization process Menger described can also occur in a modern financial market.
Of course, modern economies already have money, so the right word is "remonetization." Instead of replacing barter with exchange, remonetization replaces official currency or bonds with the new monetary commodity or commodities.
The closest relative of remonetization is hyperinflation. But traditional hyperinflation is a relatively slow process. Remonetization, like any bank or currency run, is a panic. With modern financial networks to move money and the Internet to move dangerous ideas, a remonetization event can be almost instantaneous.
Remonetization has two prerequisites. One is a free public market in one or more monetizable commodities - such as gold and silver. The other is an unstable and mismanaged official currency - such as the US dollar.
In theory, reversing either of these factors could prevent remonetization. In practice this is probably impossible.
Before a remonetization event, the austerity measures necessary to fix the dollar are politically unlikely. Afterward they would be too late. And any preemptive deliberalization of the gold and silver markets would have to come with a remarkably convincing excuse to avoid triggering what it sought to prevent, especially since the US no longer dominates the global financial system.
The best way for the US and other countries to deal with this situation is to accept remonetization and manage it wisely. This will cause a lot of short-term pain for many people. But it will rebalance the global economy, and should lead to a new period of sustainable prosperity.
All this is yet another stack of unsubstantiated assertions. Rather than quoting dead white economists or filling the water with inky clouds of mathematics, let's work through the situation step by step and see if we agree.
An illustration
Let's start by comparing two hypothetical cases.
In case A, a million Americans decide right now to move all their savings into Dell stock, buying at the current market price no matter how high.
In case B, a million Americans decide right now to move all their savings into gold, buying at the current market price no matter how high.
In both cases, let's say each of these test investors has an average of $10,000 in savings. So we are moving $10 billion.
Neither gold nor Dell can instantly absorb $10 billion without considerable short-term increases in price. Because it would require us to predict precisely how other investors would react, we have no way to precisely compute the effects. But we can describe them in general terms.
In case A, the conventional wisdom is right. Our test investors should expect to lose a lot of money.
This is because Dell has a stable equilibrium price which is set by the market's estimate of the future earning power (price-to-earnings ratio) of this fine corporation. Because it is not the result of any new information about Dell's business, the short-term surge should not affect this long-term equilibrium.
Since there will almost certainly be a short-term price spike, many of the test investors will be buying at prices well above the stable equilibrium. In fact, the more investors we add to the test, the more each one should expect to lose. Doh!
But there is no way to apply this analysis to case B.
Precious metals have no price-to-earnings ratio. With gold formally demonetized (that is, with no formal link between gold prices and currencies such as the dollar, as there was until 1971), there is no stable way to price it. There is no obvious equilibrium to which the gold price must converge.
It is true that gold has industrial uses. It can be priced on the basis of industrial supply and demand. The conventional wisdom is that it is.
Thus we can say that gold, for example, is overvalued if gold miners are selling more gold than jewelry makers and other industrial users want to buy. At present (with gold near $700), they probably are. So if you follow this reasoning, the right investing decision is not to buy gold, but to sell it short.
But this just assumes that there is no investment demand for gold. On the basis of this assumption, it shows that gold is a bad investment. Therefore there should be no demand for it.
The popularity of this logic is remarkable. However, it is a safe bet that most people who own gold do not follow it.
(In fact, most of the gold demand from the jewelry industry is actually investment demand. Women in many traditional Asian cultures, especially in India, store their savings as gold jewelry, which they buy by weight. It is difficult to guess what the price of gold would be if no one at all held it as an investment. But $100 an ounce is probably too high.)
Therefore, when our case B investors put $10 billion into gold, that money has to be used to bid gold away from its current owners, many of whom already believe that the price of gold in dollars should be much higher than it is now.
So the result of case B is that the gold price will, as in case A, rise immediately. But it has no reason to fall back.
In fact, quite the opposite. Because the gold price is largely determined by investment demand, any increase in price is evidence of increasing investment demand. Mining production, noninvestment jewelry demand, and industrial use are relatively stable. Investment demand is a consequence of investors' opinion about the future price of gold - which is, as we've just noted, largely determined by investment demand.
This is not a circularity. It is a feedback loop. Austrian economists might call it a Misesian regression spiral.
Of course, the same mechanism can drive the gold price down as well as up. When savings flow out of gold, the price must drop. The reputation of gold as a volatile investment is by no means undeserved. There is a trading range within which the price of gold can fluctuate arbitrarily. The range is limited at the bottom by the industrial gold price when investment demand is zero. It's limited at the top by… well, we'll see in a moment.
It generally takes a significant external change to affect the long-term direction of a big feedback loop like the gold market. Thus, it is rational for the market to actually treat the price spike caused by case B as a signal that the feedback loop is accelerating, and buy more.
So the case B investors are more likely than not to profit on their trades. Obviously the trades must happen in some sequence, and the earliest will do the best. But all have a good reason to participate, even the last, because their purchase will signal other investors who are not in the case B group to enter the market after them.
Suppose you believe this. It's all well and good. But what does it really prove? Couldn't gold still be just another bubble?
And why should gold be a better investment because it has no earnings to price it by? This makes zero sense.
To answer these sensible objections, we need a few more tools.
Nash equilibrium analysis
The Nash equilibrium is one of the simplest and oldest concepts in game theory. (Nash is John Nash of A Beautiful Mind fame.)
In game theory jargon, a "game" is any activity in which players can win or lose - such as, of course, financial markets. And a "strategy" is just the player's process for making decisions.
A strategy for any game is a "Nash equilibrium" if, when every player in the game follows the same strategy, no player can get better results by switching to a different strategy.
If you think about it for a moment, it should be fairly obvious that any market will tend to stabilize at a Nash equilibrium.
For example, pricing stocks and bonds by their expected future return (the standard Wall Street strategy of value investing) is a Nash equilibrium. No market is infallible, and it's possible that one can make money by intentionally mispricing securities. But this is only possible because other players make mistakes.
(Nash equilibrium analysis of financial markets is not some great new idea. It is standard economics. The only reason you are reading a Nash equilibrium analysis of the interaction between precious metals and official currency now on the Web, not 30 years ago in the New York Times, is that the Times gets its economics from real economists, not random bloggers, and the profession of economics today is deeply tied to the institutions that manage the global economy. Real economists do not, as a rule, spend time thinking up clever new reasons why the global financial system will inevitably collapse. They're too busy trying to prevent it from doing so.)
What Nash equilibrium analysis tells us is that the "case B" approach is interesting, but inadequate. To look for Nash equilibria in the precious metals markets, we need to look at strategies which everyone in the economy can follow.
Let's focus for a moment on everyone's favorite, gold. One obvious strategy - let's call it strategy G - is to treat only gold as savings, and to value any other good either in terms of its direct personal value to you, or how much gold it is worth.
For example, if you followed strategy G, you would not think of the dollar as worthless. You would think of it as worth 45 milligrams, because that's how much gold you can trade one for.
What would happen if everyone in the world woke up tomorrow morning, got a cup of coffee, and decided to follow strategy G?
They would probably notice that at 45mg per dollar, the broad US money supply M3, at about $10 trillion, is worth about 450,000 metric tons of gold; that all the gold mined in human history is about 150,000 tons; and that official US gold reserves are 8136 tons.
They would therefore conclude that, if everyone else is following strategy G, it will be difficult for everyone to obtain 45mg of gold in exchange for each dollar they own.
Fortunately, there is no need to follow the experiment further. Of course it's not realistic that everyone in the world would switch to strategy G on the same day.
The important question is just whether strategy G is stable. In other words, is it a realistic possibility that everyone in the world could price all their savings in gold? Could all rights to dollars, euros, etc, just be converted to gold and resolved? Or would there be some pressure to revert to paper currency?
If gold atoms were the size of poppyseeds, divisibility would pose an obstacle. But measuring arbitrary small weights of gold is not a difficult technical problem.
It's true that there are serious inefficiencies in circulating actual coins made of precious metals. Spend too much time reading financial history and you'll be deluged with frightening facts about agio, gold points, clipped and worn coin, and so forth. Perhaps the worst problem is just that since metal coins have all these problems, there is a strong incentive to replace them with paper notes which are redeemable for actual metal on demand. Unfortunately, the note issuer then finds it very easy to print more notes than it holds metal.
These problems are all solved by the Internet. In a modern gold standard or other precious-metal monetary system, there is no reason for "money" to consist of anything but secure electronic claims to precise weights of allocated precious metals. The metal itself should stay in independently audited vaults.
This mechanism is already being used by new "digital gold currencies" such as e-gold and GoldMoney. These have only accumulated about 10 tons of gold, because they are not well-connected to existing financial networks. But the gold and silver ETFs, GLD and SLV (GLD has 350 tons of gold, more than the Bank of England; SLV has 2000 tons of silver) are similar if more primitive. Converting them to support direct payment would be a small matter of programming.
I don't intend to get into any open-ended theological disputes on economics. But I do have to mention the 19th-century Banking School doctrine, inherited by both Keynesians and monetarists, that an expanding economy depends on an expandable currency. Please excuse me while I rant.
Gilded Age financiers did succeed in embedding this principle in the institutional DNA of the West. But it has no rational explanation. At least, if it does, I have never heard it. Of course the status quo need justify itself to no one, and it is possible that if monetary expansionism felt institutionally threatened it could present a more coherent narrative.
But to me the idea seems to rest on the understandable, but essentially numerological, connection between X% new money and X% growth, and on the indisputable fact that turning off the money printer tends to result in a recession. Since today's economists (except of course the Austrian School) have abandoned the the apparently unfashionable concept of causality in favor of the reassuringly autistic positivism of pure statistical correlation, it has escaped their attention that when you stop shooting heroin, you feel awful.
It is also bruited about that without money-printing to dissuade savers from just hoarding cash, no one will lend or take any entrepreneurial risks. Someone should tell this to the Dutch, who ran a 100% hard-money economy for 150 years and were the most prosperous nation in Europe. Perhaps if Lord Keynes had sent wooden sailing ships on three-year trading voyages to Indonesia, he would have rethought his views on lending, interest and risk. In general, stable periods of hard money have been among the most prosperous in human history, and even Friedman and Schwartz admit it. When the value of your money grows with no risk or financial overhead, it may actually be a good thing.
So, absent of course any errors in the above polemic, strategy G is in fact a Nash equilibrium. A direct gold standard in which private citizens own allocated gold would be a viable foundation for a new global financial system. There are no market forces that would tend to destabilize it.
Or are there? Actually, it turns out that we've skipped a step in our little analysis.
Levitating collectibles
The problem is that the exact same analysis works just as well for any standardized and widely available asset.
For example, let's try it with condoms. Our benchmark of all value will be the standard white latex condom. We can have a "strategy C" in which everyone measures the worth of all their assets in terms of the number of condoms they exchange for. Cash payments will be made in secure electronic claims to allocated boxes of condoms, held in high-security condom vaults in the condom district of Zurich. And so on.
This is obviously ridiculous. But why? Why does the same analysis seem to make sense for gold, but no sense for condoms?
It's because we've ignored one factor: new production.
Let's step back for a moment and look at why people "invest" in gold in the first place. Obviously they expect its price to go up - in other words, they are speculating. But as we've seen, in the absence of investment the gold price would be determined only by industrial supply and demand, a fairly stable market. So why does the investment get started in the first place? Does it just somehow generate itself?
What's happening is that the word "investment" is concealing two separate motivations for buying gold.
One is speculation - a word that has negative associations in English, but is really just the normal entrepreneurial process that stabilizes any market by pushing it toward equilibrium.
The other is saving. We can define saving as the intertemporal transfer of wealth. A person saves when she owns valuable goods now, but wishes to enjoy their value later.
The saver has to decide what good to hold for whatever time she is saving across. Of course, the duration of saving may be, and generally is, unknown.
And of course, every saver has no choice but to be a speculator. The saver always wants to maximize her savings' value, as defined by the goods she actually intends to consume when she uses the savings. For example, if our saver is an American retiree living in Argentina, and intends to spend her savings on local products, her strategy will be to maximize the number of Argentine pesos she can trade her savings for.
Here are five points to understand about saving.
One is that since people will always want to shift value across time, there will always be saving. The level of pure entrepreneurial speculation in the world can vary arbitrarily. But saving is a human absolute.
Two is that savers need not be concerned at all with the direct personal utility of a medium of saving. Our example saver has little use for a big hunk of gold. Her plan is to exchange it for tango lessons and huge, delicious steaks.
Three is that from the saver's perspective, there is no artificial line between "money" and "non-money." Anything she can buy now and sell later can be used as a medium of saving. She may have to make two trades to spend her savings - for example, if our saver's medium of saving is a house, she has to trade the house for pesos, then the pesos for goods. If she saves directly in pesos, she only has to make one trade. And clearly trading costs, as in the case of a house, may be nontrivial. But she just factors this into her model of investment performance. There is no categorical distinction.
Four is that if any asset happens to work well as a medium of saving, it may attract a flow of savings that will distort the "natural" market valuation of that asset.
Five is that since there will always be saving, there will always be at least one asset whose price it distorts.
Let's see what happens when that asset is condoms. Suppose everyone in the world does adopt strategy C, just as in our earlier example they adopted strategy G. What will happen?
Just as we predicted with gold, there will be massive condom buying. Since condom manufacturers were not expecting their product to be used as a store of wealth, demand will vastly exceed supply. The price of condoms will skyrocket.
Strategy C looks like a self-fulfilling prophecy. Condoms will indeed become an costly and prized asset. And the first savers whose condom trades executed will see the purchasing power of their condom portfolios soar. This is a true condom boom.
Let's call this effect - the increase in price of an good because of its use as a medium of saving - "levitation."
Sadly, condom levitation is unsustainable. The price surge will stimulate manufacturers to action. Since there is no condom cartel - anyone can open a factory and start making condoms - the manufacturers have no hope of maintaining the levitated condom price. They will produce as many condoms as they can, as fast as possible, to cash in on the levitation premium.
Levitation, in other words, triggers inventory growth. Let's call the inventory growth of a levitated good "debasement." In a free condom market, debasement will counteract levitation completely. It will return the price of a condom to its cost of production (including risk-adjusted capital cost, aka profit). In the long run, there is no reason why anyone who wants condoms cannot have as many as he or she wants at production cost.
Of course, condom holders will realize quickly that their condoms are being debased. They will pull their savings out, probably well before debasement returns the price of a condom to the cost of producing one.
We can call the decrease in price of an asset due to the flow of savings out of it "delevitation." In our example, debasement causes delevitation, but it is not the only possible cause - savings can move between assets for any number of reasons. If savers sell their condoms to buy Google stock, the effect on the condom price is exactly the same.
Because condom debasement is inevitable, and will inevitably trigger delevitation, savers have a strong incentive to abandon strategy C. This means it is not a Nash equilibrium.
The whole sad story will end in a condom glut and a condom bust. The episode will be remembered as a condom bubble. In fact, if we replace condoms with tulips, this exact sequence of events happened in Holland in 1637.
So why won't it happen with gold?
The obvious difference is that gold is an element. Absent significant transmutation or extraterrestrial trade, the number of gold atoms on Earth is fixed. All humans can do is move them around for our own convenience - in other words, collect them. So we can call gold a "collectible."
Because it cannot be produced, the price of a collectible is arbitrary. It is just a consequence of the prices that people who want to own it assign to it. Obviously, the collectible will end up in the hands of those who value it highest.
Since the global bullion inventory is 150,000 tons, and 2500 tons are mined every year, it is easy to do a little division and calculate a current "debasement rate" of 1.66% for gold.
But this is wrong. Gold mining is not debasement in the same sense as condom production, which does not deplete any fixed supply of potential condoms. In fact, it only takes a mild idealization of reality to eliminate gold mining entirely.
Gold is mined from specific deposits, whose extent and extraction cost geologists can estimate in advance. In financial terms, gold "in the ground" can be modeled as a call option. Ownership of X ounces of unmined gold which will cost $Y per ounce to extract is equivalent to a right to buy X ounces of bullion at $Y per ounce.
Since this ownership right can be bought and sold, just as the ownership of bullion can, why bother to actually dig the gold up? In theory, it is just as valuable sitting where it is.
In the form of stock in mining companies which own the extraction rights, unmined gold competes with bullion for savings. Because a rising gold price makes previously uneconomic deposits profitable to mine - like options becoming "in the money" - the total value of all gold on earth does increase at a faster rate than the gold price. But the effect is not extreme. 2006 USGS figures show 30,000 tons of global gold reserves. This number would certainly increase with a much higher gold price - USGS reports 90,000 tons of currently uneconomic "reserve base" - but the gold inventory increase would be nowhere near proportional to the increase in price.
In practice, modeling unmined gold as options is too simple. Gold discovery and mining is a complex and political business. The important point is that rises in the gold price, even dramatic rises, propagate freely into the price of unmined gold and do not generate substantial surges of new gold. For example, the price of gold has more than doubled since 2001, but world gold production peaked in that year.
The result is that gold can still levitate stably. Even if new savings flow into gold stops entirely, debasement will be mild. The cyclic response typical of noncollectible commodities such as sugar (or condoms), or theoretical collectibles whose sources are not in practice scarce (such as aluminum) is unlikely.
Of course, if savings flow out of gold for their own reasons, it can trigger a self-reinforcing panic. Delevitation is not to be confused with debasement. Again, it is important to remember that debasement is not the only cause of delevitation.
What we have still not explained is why gold, which is clearly already levitated, should spontaneously tend to levitate more, rather than either staying in the same place or delevitating. Just because gold can levitate doesn't mean it will. (And note that we still haven't looked at silver at all.)
Money in the real world
In case it's not obvious, what we've just done is to put together a logical explanation of money, using gold as an example, and using only made-up terms like "collectible" and "levitation" to avoid the trap of defining money in terms of itself.
Now let's apply this theory to the money we use today - dollars, euros, and so on.
Today's official money is an "artificial collectible." Money production is limited by legal violence, not natural rarity. If in our condom example, the condom market was patrolled by a global condom mafia which got medieval with any unauthorized condom producers, it would resemble the market for official currency. No one can print Icelandic kronor in the Ukraine, Australian dollars in Pakistan, or Mexican pesos in Algeria.
It may be distasteful to hardcore libertarians, but this method of controlling the money supply is effective. There is minimal unlicensed production of new money - also known as counterfeiting.
It should also be clear from our discussion of gold that there is nothing, in principle, wrong with artificial paper money. The whole point of money is that its "real value" is irrelevant. In principle, an artificial money supply can be much more stable than a naturally restricted resource such as gold.
In practice, unfortunately, it has not worked out that way.
Artificial money is a political product. Its problems are political problems. It does no one any good to separate economic theory from political reality.
Governments have always had a bad habit of debasing their own monetary systems. Historically, every monetary system in which money creation was a state prerogative has seen debasement. Of course, no one in government is unaware that debasement causes problems, or that it does not create any real value. But it often trades off short-term solutions for long-term problems. The result is an addictive cycle that's hard to escape.
Most governments have figured out that it's a bad idea to just print new money and spend it. Adding new money directly to the government budget spreads it widely across the economy and drives rapid increases in consumer prices. Since government always rests on popular consent, all governments (democratic or not) are concerned with their own popularity. High consumer prices are rarely popular.
There is an English word that used to mean "debasement," whose meaning somehow changed, during a generally unpleasant period in history, to mean "increase in consumer prices," and has since come to mean "increase in consumer prices as measured, through a process whose opacity makes chocolate look transparent, by a nonpartisan agency whose objectivity is above any conceivable question, so of course we won't waste our time questioning it." The word begins with "i" and ends with "n." Because of its interesting political history, I prefer to avoid it.
It should be clear that what determines the value of money, for a completely artificial collectible with no industrial utility, is the levitation rate: the ratio of savings demand to monetary inventory. Increasing the monetary inventory has a predictable effect on this calculation. Consumer price increases are a symptom; debasement is the problem.
Debasement is always objectively equivalent to taxation. There is no objective difference between confiscating 10% of existing dollar inventory and giving it to X, and printing 11% of existing dollar inventory and giving it to X. The only subjective difference is the inertial psychological attachment to today's dollar prices, and this can easily be reset by renaming and redenominating the currency. Redenomination is generally used to remove embarrassing zeroes - for example, Turkey recently replaced each million old lira with one new lira - but there is no obstacle in principle to a 10% redenomination.
The advantage of debasement over confiscation is entirely in the public relations department. Debasement is the closest thing to the philosopher's stone of government, an invisible tax. In the 20th century, governments made impressive progress toward this old dream. It is no accident that their size and power grew so dramatically as well. If we imagine John F. Kennedy having to raise taxes to fund the space program, or George W. Bush doing the same to occupy Iraq, we imagine a different world.
The immediate political problem with debasement is that it shows up in rising consumer prices, as whoever has received the new money spends it. If we think of all markets as auction markets, like EBay, it should be clear how this happens.
There is no perfect solution for the problem. But there are quite a few imperfect ones.
The simplest is just the increase in productivity due to new technology, which would otherwise tend to make prices fall. For example, Moore's Law tells us that the cost of a transistor halves every two years. If all consumer products were made entirely from transistors, Moore's Law would support some pretty tasty debasement. Sometimes productivity improves quality rather than lowering price, but (even before the notorious "hedonics") price indexers have always tried to capture this gain.
When productivity counteracts debasement, what's happening is that progress that normally would have been improving peoples' lives is being confiscated by the government. Since no one ever sees how cheap everything would have been without debasement, they tend not to whine about it so much.
Another approach is to use debasement for corporate welfare, by subsidizing low interest rates ("easy money") or bailing out the financial industry when risks go bad ("injecting liquidity"). If this is done properly, it can actually lower consumer prices by decreasing production costs. Prices only start to rise when booming producer industries start to bid up the costs of the commodities and labor they need to produce. Economists of the Austrian School consider this corporatist approach to finance responsible for the business cycle, and I believe them.
This essay, though it's probably too long, is nowhere near long enough to explain all the games that today's governments and government-managed financial systems play with debasement. Here are three points worth noting for the moment.
One is that a conservative estimate of today's dollar debasement rate, as measured by the Fed's M3 number, is 10%. European numbers are similar. Chinese debasement is more like 20%.
Two is that most debasement today takes the form of insured credit expansion: debt that is guaranteed explicitly or implicitly by the government. Any loan which will be repaid unless the US financial system collapses is as solid as the dollar by definition. This is obviously true of sovereign debt, such as Treasury bonds, but implicit guarantees now cover many forms of private risk. By assuming responsibility for defusing financial crises and assuring continued prosperity, the Fed has converted vast reams of otherwise dubious paper into the effective equivalent of dollars. Because it is hard to even define this guarantee, accurately measuring debasement is impossible.
Three is that debasement creates dependency. For example, when debasement is used to subsidize interest rates, businesses and homeowners become dependent on cheap, easily rolled-over loans. When the debasement rate is 10% and interest rates are 7%, the negative debasement-adjusted interest rate is a debt factory. It is easy for borrowers to make decisions that assume these rates will continue. If they end, the typical result is a recession. These kinds of dependencies make it very hard for politically sensitive authorities to end debasement, or even significantly reduce it.
Debasement and investment
We haven't even seen the most pernicious effect of debasement.
Debasement violates the whole point of money: storage of value. As such, it gives savers an incentive to find other assets to store their savings in.
In other words, debasement drives real investment. In a debasing monetary system, savers recognize that holding money is a loser. They look for other assets to buy.
The consensus among Americans today is that monetary savings instruments like passbook accounts, money market funds, or CDs are lame. The real returns are in stocks and housing.
When we debasement-adjust for M3, we see the reasons for this. Real non-monetary assets like stocks and housing are the only investments that have a chance of preserving wealth. Purely monetary savings are just losing value.
The financial and real estate industries, of course, love this. But that doesn't mean it's good for the rest of us.
The problem is that stocks and housing are more like condoms than they are like gold. When official currency is not a good store of store value, savings look for another outlet. Stocks and housing become slightly monetized. But the free market, though it cannot create new official currency or new gold, can create new stocks and new housing.
The result is a wave of bubbles with an unfortunate resemblance to our condom example. When stocks are extremely overvalued, as they were in 2000, one sign is a wave of dubious IPOs. When housing is overvalued, we see a rash of new condos. All this is just our old friend, debasement.
This debasement pressure answers one question we asked earlier: why should gold tend to levitate, rather than delevitate? Why is the feedback loop biased in the upward direction?
The answer is just that the same force is acting on gold as on stocks and housing. The market is searching for a new money. It will tend to increase the price of any asset that can store savings.
The difference between precious metals and stocks or housing is just our original thesis. Stocks and housing do not succeed as money. Holding all savings as stocks or housing is not a Nash equilibrium strategy (though for housing in some neighborhoods it comes close, because various restrictions have given buildings in older city centers near-collectible status). Holding savings as precious metals, as we've seen, is.
Presumably the market will eventually discover this. In fact, it brings us to our most interesting question: why hasn't it already? Why are precious metals still considered an unusual, fringe investment?
The politics of money
What I'm essentially claiming is that there's no such thing as a precious-metals bubble.
This assertion may surprise people who remember 1980, when gold touched $850 and silver $50. In the '90s gold bottomed at $250 and silver at $3.50. These numbers are even more extreme when we factor in debasement. Doesn't this look like a bubble?
It does, and it obviously represents a cycle of levitation and delevitation. The only sense in which there is no such thing as a precious-metals bubble is the one in which a "bubble" is sure to pop, like our condom bubble. Remember, markets are perfectly free to store all human savings in a single precious metal, or (if they find some other store of value which seems to work better, such as an artificial collectible) to store no savings at all in any of them.
What happened in 1980 is that the Fed, under the great Paul Volcker, successfully defended the dollar (and other national currencies, which are and were all backed by the dollar) against exactly the same event I'm predicting now: a currency crisis with self-accelerating flight to precious metals.
Volcker faced an existential threat, and he used every weapon at his disposal. The most obvious, and the one he is best remembered for, was ending almost all debasement and letting the market set interest rates. Short-term rates went well above 20%, considerably exceeding the official value of the I-word, and certainly into positive debasement-adjusted territory.
But for another example, one action the Fed took was to just tell banks, on the basis of no legal authority at all, to stop lending to anyone who was buying gold or silver.
This illustrates the tenor of the times. Finance in 1980 was a tame little pussycat. Hedge funds barely existed. Today, the Fed would never do this, not because banks would disobey - banks are still pussycats - but because today's global financial market is a huge, snarling wolf-dog, and displays of fear are unwise.
Markets do not, in general, think. Most investors, even pros who control large pools of money, have a very weak understanding of economics. As I've already mentioned, the version of economics taught in universities has been heavily influenced by political developments over the last century. And your average financial journalist understands finance about the way a cat understands astrophysics. The business section is not exactly where anyone who plans to be the next Bob Woodward wants to end up. This has an obvious effect on retail investor psychology.
The result is that historically, the market has had no particular way to distinguish a managed delevitation from an inevitable bubble. Because of Volcker's victory, and the defeat of millions of investors who bet on a dollar collapse, the financial world spent the next twenty years assuming that there was some kind of fundamental cap on the gold price, despite the lack of any logical chain of reasoning that would predict any such thing.
Even now, there is no shortage of pro-gold writers who predict gold at $1000, $2000 or $3000 an ounce, as though they had some formula, like the P/E ratio for stocks, that computed a stable equilibrium at this level. Of course, they do not. They are only expressing their intuitive feeling that gold is very, very cheap right now, and tempering it with the desire to be taken seriously.
In fact, precious metal prices will only stabilize when they either defeat artificial currency completely, or are completely defeated by it - either by some new financial technology which permanently precludes debasement, or by a forcible end to the free trade of precious metals.
Central banks - and through them, governments - always want to minimize the levitation of any collectible that could displace their artificial currencies. Obviously this includes precious metals. And obviously, owners of precious metals want to maximize their levitation.
The result is a giant tug-of-war on a global, historic scale. It is no accident that until the 20th century, the nature of money was one of the most controversial political issues in the United States. It is a matter of historical fact that the pro-banking forces won in 1913, and took the question off the political table. There is no reason to assume this victory will be permanent. But there is also no reason to assume it can't be.
So, to come up with an educated guess as to the winner, we need to take an objective look at the artillery on each side.
Government's weapons against gold
The dollar's most obvious weapon is just that gold, although it is to some extent money, is not currency. No one accepts gold in exchange for goods and services. The digital gold currencies could change this, but if they do it will be far in the future.
The obvious impact is that to save in gold, you have to pay round-trip conversion costs, including your own time in managing the conversion. "Insulation" is a good name for this phenomenon, because it makes it hard for money to flow back and forth between gold and the dollar. Another form of insulation is capital-gains tax, which under US law is particularly harsh on gold.
A less obvious form of insulation is that there is no real loan market for gold. (Actually, there is a gold lease market, but it is not for ordinary schmoes - more on this later.) So if you know you want to hold your gold for a substantial period of time, there is no way to earn a direct return by lending it out. Of course, you have an expected return in dollars which should average out at the dollar debasement rate, but there is no reason in theory that you couldn't earn gold interest as well. But, in reality, you can't.
A less passive weapon is the large gold reserves that central banks hold. Central banks have somewhere between 10,000 and 30,000 tons of gold. They use this to manage gold prices.
Or at least, presumably manage gold prices. If you go out on the Internet today and research gold, you will find a lot of writers who accuse central banks of managing gold prices. The facts that these writers present are very plausible. But their tone implies that central bankers are committing some kind of heinous crime, an imputation I find unlikely. I'm sure the legal department signs off on everything. The fact is that managing gold prices has been a core element of central bankers' jobs since the Bank of England was founded in 1694, that they have no legal obligation to disclose their actions, that keeping gold prices stable and low is very much in their professional interest, and that therefore the burden of proof should rest on anyone who insists that central banks do not manage gold prices.
Of course, the tools of the trade have changed a bit since 1694.
At first, banks just issued more gold-redeemable notes than they held gold. Obviously the fundamental value of a gold banknote is whatever weight of actual gold it commands. If you have one million ounces of gold and you issue two million notes, the fundamental value of each note is half an ounce, whatever you print on it. But if authorities are obliging, banks can manage the exchange rate between notes and gold, by "selling" gold for notes freely at the face value. As long as not too many people took them up on this offer, banks could create free money that traded at no discount to gold. A modern, electronic financial market would detect this scam and vaporize it instantly, but in the days of paper ledgers it worked just fine as long as the ratio was not pushed too high.
In other words, once a bank issues more banknotes than it has gold, a banknote becomes its own artificial currency. There is no objective difference between a redemption policy and a currency peg, like the mechanism China uses to control exchange rates between the dollar and the yuan. Even in the days of the "classical gold standard," these fractional notes were the norm.
After World War I, the world went on a "gold exchange standard" which restricted redemption in various ways, enabling further banknote expansion. After World War II, only the US redeemed in gold and only to other central banks, giving us still more banknote expansion. In the late '60s, the French became fatigued with exchanging their excellent wine for slips of green paper, and actually took the US up on its redemption policy. In 1971 Nixon "closed the gold window" and the redemption era was over.
Since then, central banks have had two general strategies for managing gold. The simplest is "bombing" the gold price by just selling the stuff. This creates a perfect economic illusion of debasement - in fact, it is exactly what an alchemist would do if she discovered a secret new process for manufacturing gold. Intellectually the market can tell the difference, but markets, as we've noted, are not intellectual.
Or not very intellectual. But Western central banks are political institutions and have to report their reserves. A downward trend would be disconcerting and too easy to game.
So someone came up with the idea of leasing gold. In a lease transaction, the central bank lends the gold to a Wall Street bank, which sells it into the gold market and invests the proceeds as it sees fit. This works as a "carry trade," because central bank rates for leasing gold are very low, and the Wall Street bank can earn a higher return on the cash. Of course the Wall Street bank has to pay the loan back in gold at some point, but the central bank is always happy to roll it over.
The neat trick is that, even though the central bank's gold has been sold to make jewelry or coins, and it has had the same negative impact on the gold market that any sale of gold does, central banks typically do not report how much of their gold they have leased out. In other words, they count actual gold and gold IOUs as the same thing. Hello, Enron!
The cover story is that gold leasing lets central banks "earn a return" on a "dead asset." No ordinary person could possibly believe this; you would have to be a financial journalist. First, turning a profit is the last thing on central bankers' minds; it is not even clear what return means for an entity that can print its own money. Second, this story chimes oddly with central banks' official motivation for keeping this prehistoric asset rather than selling it all in one giant auction, which is that gold is a money of last resort in a crisis. As, of course, it is. But leased gold will not magically reappear in a crisis.
Some analysts estimate that since the 1980s, central banks have lost more than half of their gold through leasing. Portugal released this figure, perhaps accidentally, in 2001; it had lost 70% of its gold.
Leasing is not the only way central banks use their gold to influence financial markets. For example, they can also write call options, and so on. The power to print money and use it to buy arbitrary financial assets, at any valuation the bank deems appropriate, also doesn't hurt.
But even these "gold derivatives" are probably not the most significant impact of governments on the gold market. The main weapon of governments against gold is simply gold mining.
As we've noted, gold mining is a generally uneconomic process. If rights to underground gold were politically secure, exploration and measuring of gold deposits would be sufficient to value them financially.
Political risk varies, of course, by country. But since there is really no country where these rights are totally secure, or at at least as secure as a vault in Zurich, digging up gold makes sense.
What doesn't make sense is selling it.
Investors buy gold-mining stocks as a way to buy gold. In general, gold investors value gold above the quoted market price - if they didn't, they'd sell it. It is unclear at what price your average "goldbug" would give in and exchange her gold for dollars, but for many it must be well over $1000 an ounce.
So a mining company would almost certainly increase their value to its owners by not selling gold at all, and just holding it on the balance sheet. Of course, some gold sales go to paying mining costs, but even this could be eliminated. When companies discover a new gold deposit, they could finance its extraction by issuing shares. This business model would optimize mining as a mechanism for converting dollars into gold. Since miners do not practice it, we can infer that their motivations are political.
The result is a continuous stream of gold entering the market at the current spot price, whatever that price may be. Again, this serves as a simulation of debasement, and confuses markets into treating gold as an unlevitated commodity, which would have an equilibrium price as determined by industrial supply and demand.
And government's last weapon against gold is the physical power to just confiscate it, as the US did in 1933. What circumstances would make this politically realistic? But we're starting to get into gold's weapons against government.
John Law
http://johnlaw.wordpress.com/
UNDERSTANDING THE DIRECTIONAL MOVEMENT INDICATORS
The ADX indicator is actually a suite of indicators meant to measure whether or not the asset under study is in a trending mode. It is a fairly slow indicator and one must be careful in applying it because it takes time to adjust to market moves. Whipsaws are possible, and in fact likely if the market is in a wide trading range.
The components of the index are:
DIRECTIONAL MOVEMENT (+DM and -DM) -- This indicator represents the largest part of today's move that is outside the previous day's range. So, for example, if yesterday's price range was 18-22 and today's is 17-24, then +DM is two and -DM for the day is zero. On an inside day, there is no directional movement. This system does not care where the close is, so in the example above, even if the close was on the low, the directional movement is considered to be positive because the largest part of today's range is above the previous session's range. Note that -DM is always positive, so if today's range is 17-20 and yesterday's was 19-19 1/2, then -DM is two and +DM is zero.
DIRECTIONAL MOVEMENT INDICES (+DI and -DI) -- This indicator is computed by using the daily +DM and -DM discussed above and taking a ratio with the daily true range. The daily true range is the largest of the following: The absolute value of:
A. The distance from today's high to today's low.
B. The distance from today's high to yesterday's close.
C. The distance from today's low to yesterday's close.
What the true range does is adjust for gaps by, in essence, adding them back into today's trading range. We then compute today's +DI and -DI as the ratio of the DM's to the daily true range (TR), so:
+DI =+DM/TR and -DI = -DM/TR
This indicator tells you how powerful today's move was in comparison to the day's range. On a day in which prices gap higher and close at the high, that day's +DI would be 1.00. Remember, on an inside day, both DI's will be zero, and if there is positive directional movement, then there can be no negative directional movement.
SMOOTHED DI's -- These are computed by taking a 14-day moving average of the individual DI's (exponential moving averages are preferred, but it does not make that much of a difference).
DIRECTIONAL INDICATOR (DX) -- This is the ratio of the difference between the smoothed +DI and -DI and the total directional movement. That is:
DX = [+DI(14) - -DI(14)] / [+DI(14) + -DI(14)]
Note: +DI(14) is the 14-day smoothed positive directional movement index and -DI(14) is the 14-day smoothed negative directional movement index. These are the standard numbers.
AVERAGE DIRECTIONAL INDEX (ADX) -- This is just the smoothed DX (again, typically a 14-day exponential smoothing factor).
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WHAT DOES ADX TELL YOU?
First of all, remember that this is a very slow indicator, so it is not going to turn at tops or bottoms. I mostly use ADX as a secondary indicator to tell me whether we are in a trend. Then I will look at the +DI and -DI to see what the components look like. The classic rules are that a move past 20 in ADX says that the trend is real and that moves above 40 should be treated suspiciously and might mean that the move is stretched. Some people get into a directional move on a run past 20 in ADX.
Alexander Elder, in his book Trading for a Living suggests going with the trend whenever ADX breaks from a low level and from beneath both directional lines and then ratchets up four points -- this is a sign that a new trend is starting. He also warns that when ADX is above both DI lines, then the trend is ahead of itself. He suggests getting out of a trade when ADX turns lower from such a position.
Original Wilder rules
1. Buy when DM+ crosses above DM- and Sell when DM- crosses above DM+
2. Extreme Point Rule (EPR):
- if LONG the reverse point is the extreme point (the LOW) made on the day of crossing;
- if SHORT the reverse point is the extreme point (the HIGH) made on the day of crossing;
3. Stay with these reversals even if the indexes stay crossed contrary to your position.
Hochheimer rules (with delay)
1. Buy when DM+ crosses above DM- entering a BUY STOP on the next day using today’s high price.
2. Sell when DM- crosses above DM+ entering a SELL STOP on the next day using today’s low price.
Hochheimer rules (immediate entry with no filter)
1. Buy when DM+ crosses above DM- on the open of the next day.
2. Sell when DM- crosses above DM+ on the open of the next day.
Directional Parabolic System (DRP: 2 parameters only)
1. Buy when DM+ crosses above DM- at the parabolic stop.
2. Sell when DM- crosses above DM+ at the parabolic stop.
3. Exit always at the parabolic stop.
Trading Using The Directional Movement System
This page deals with detailed trading specifics based on Directional Movement indicators. For a general introduction to Directional Movement, refer to our Directional Movement Overview for an understanding of the concepts.
The computations used to identify stocks in trending patterns are based on Welles Wilder's Directional Movement system from his book "New concepts in Technical Trading Systems". Specifically, a 14 day period is used to calculate the moving averages as well as Wilder's accumulation technique for computing the averages themselves.
Key Directional Movement Indicators
+D14 Indicator : This indicates the percentage of time a stock has had upward directional movement over the last 14 days (this is an accumulated average).
-D14 Indicator : This indicates the percentage of time a stock has had downward directional movement over the last 14 days (this is an accumulated average).
DI Diff : The difference between +DI14 and -DI14. The greater the difference the stronger the trending pattern. Is this value increasing or decreasing over time?
ADX : This is the Average Directional Movement Index. It represents the total percentage of time a stock has spent in either an upward or downward trend over the last 14 days (this is an accumulated average). The higher the ADX value the better - the more time a stock spends in a trending pattern (either an uptrend or a downtrend) the more opportunities there are for trading the trend.
ADXR : This is the Average Directional Movement Index Rating. It is used as a rating to indicate whether a stock is a good or a bad candidate for trend analysis.
Trading Long
New Up Trend : A stock is considered to be starting a new uptrend if its' +DI14 crosses above its' -DI14 and the stocks' ADXR is greater than 25. The price high on the day that this cross-over occurs is considered a "trigger" price. You would take a long position if the price of the stock on a subsequent trading day goes above this "trigger" price (assuming that the +DI14 is still greater than -DI14 and that ADXR is still greater than 25).
dmTrend generates trending signals based on Wilder's criteria (see above) but also will generate potentially earlier signals based on the following criteria - a trend will be triggered when +DI14 crosses over -DI14 and the ADX value is over 20. This early signal implies that a strong trend is indicated but may not yet be in place and requires that you track the ADX changes from day-to-day to ensure that the ADX continues to increase - indicating that the trend is indeed getting stronger.
You will still be able trade on a more conservative basis by waiting for the conventional signal of ADXR exceeding 25 but for those wishing to get in earlier - and can accept the increase in risk (fluctuations in price as the trend may not be completely proven yet) - then the ADX 20 signal will be the one to use when considering a long position.
Con't Up Trend : Once a stock has established a new uptrend, it is considered to remain in that up trend until +DI14 falls below -DI14 or its' ADX falls below 20 or when four consecutive ADX down days occur.
Trading Short
New Down Trend : A stock is considered to be starting a new downtrend if its' -DI14 crosses above its' +DI14 and the stocks' ADXR is greater than 25. The price low on the day that this cross-over occurs is considered a "trigger" price. You would take a short position if the price of the stock on a subsequent trading day goes below this "trigger" price (assuming that the -DI14 is still greater than +DI14 and that ADXR is still greater than 25).
dmTrend generates trending signals based on Wilder's criteria (see above) but also will generate potentially earlier signals based on the following criteria - a trend will be triggered when +DI14 crosses over -DI14 and the ADX value is over 20. This early signal implies that a strong trend is indicated but may not yet be in place and requires that you track the ADX changes from day-to-day to ensure that the ADX continues to increase - indicating that the trend is indeed getting stronger.
You will still be able trade on a more conservative basis by waiting for the conventional signal of ADXR exceeding 25 but for those wishing to get in earlier - and can accept the increase in risk (fluctuations in price as the trend may not be completely proven yet) - then the ADX 20 signal will be the one to use when considering a long position.
Con't Down Trend : Once a stock has established a new downtrend, it is considered to remain in that up trend until -DI14 falls below +DI14 or its' ADXR falls below 25 or when four consecutive down days occur.
Trade Exits
Directional Movement is good at confirming and identifying trends and therefore entry points for long and short trades. However, it is not advisable to remain in your position until the trend reverses because the smoothing techniques result in a slow indicator (e.g. ADX). Develop your own exit strategy; the "Tips" section below is a good starting place for developing such a strategy.
Some Interpretations of Directional Movement Indicators
No stock picking system is infallible and Directional Movement trend analysis is no exception. Always confirm trends with other indicators. Here are some guidelines you should always consider:
A turning point may be indicated with the first downturn of the ADX line after the ADX has crossed above both +DI14 and -DI14.
If you're trading a trend and ADX falls below both +DI14 and -DI14, the Directional Movement indicators are no longer valid trading indicators.
If the stock has been trending for more than 3 days and the difference between +Di14 and -DI14 is less than 10, the trend may be too weak to justify a long or short position.
A general decline in the ADX values over several days may indicate the trend is coming to and end. It may be better to exit a position rather than wait for a trend to reverse - by then, it tends to be too late.
Remember, the Directional Movement numbers are based on 14 day averages and so are lagging indicators. Adopt something like an 8% stop loss rule as favored by followers of William O'Neill (Canslim) for a exit position.
When ADX crosses above 20 a potential strong trend may be indicated.
A positive indicator of increasing trend strength is when both the DI difference (i.e. the difference between +DI14 and -DI14) and the ADX are increasing.
According to Wilder, you should trade those securities with the highest ADXR values.
Speaking of 1987...
Commitments of Traders Report: The 1987 Crash
by James West
May 6, 2006
I would highly recommend that you first listen to the Financial Sense interview with Larry Williams, a real guru when it comes to the COT (Commitments of Traders) report, before reading my post.
I also recommend reading the book mentioned in the interview: Trade Stocks & Commodities with the Insiders by Larry Williams. You can find the interview at this link:
So what is this report all about?
The COT report is published every Friday by the Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC) that seeks to provide investors with up-to-date information on futures market operations and increase the transparency of these complex exchanges. (Investopedia.com)
This report provides valuable information about changes in the position commitments of various types of investors. These reports are used to help determine the likelihood of a trend continuing or coming to an end. (Investopedia.com)
Who are these ‘various types of investors’?
Small traders: These are the small traders, who control a very small portion of open interest. Their actions in the market (buying & selling) are to be ignored.
Large traders: These are the large speculators who are often characterized as trend followers in the market. The large traders are typically funds, who like to jump into an existing trend but often end up having their largest net-long positions at market tops and largest net-short positions at market bottoms. Control roughly 30-40% of open interest.
Net Long/Short positions: This is a simple calculation that gives us a better idea if – overall – a group of investors are buying or selling the market. The calculation is derived by subtracting the total number of contracts purchased minus the total number of contracts sold in a set time frame. If the number is positive, investors in this group are bullish on the market, and if the number is negative investors in this group are bearish on the market.
Commercials: An entity involved in the production, processing, or merchandising of a commodity. (According to the Commodity Futures Trading Commission). Also known as commercial hedgers; these players are users of the commodity. For example, if Nestle (a commercial) buys sugar, they actually plan on taking delivery of the product and using it to make some chocolate bars. These players know the markets better than anybody because it is their business, they are seldom wrong, and their actions (buying or selling) are often responsible for starting new trends in the market place.
Control roughly 50-60% of open interest.
KNOWLEDGE = POWER
If you are confused, do not worry, I was too when I started studying the COT report. It takes a little bit of time before you start making sense of it all. Still, the best way to learn - in my personal experience - is to chart COT data from various time frames and to compare them to market price charts in the same time frame.
If you are still totally confused about the COT report, just keep this in mind:
Yellow line rising (commercial buying) = GOOD* for market
Yellow line declining (commercial selling) = BAD* for market
*GOOD means market is setup to go up; BAD means market is setup to go down. But just because the market is setup to rise or decline does not necessarily mean it will do so the next day, it may take a month or two or more until the move begins!
Here we go! The much awaited crash of 1987
January to February of 1987
Commercial players (yellow line) are buyers of this market (S&P 500). In the month of January their net long position stood at approximately 17 000 contracts. In late February the yellow line dips to roughly 10 000 contracts. So while the market is rallying from January to late February, and commercials are still buyers of this market, they are less-bullish on the market in February relative to January. In other words, selling pressure amongst commercials has been increasing. This should raise a caution flag to anyone reading the COT report in early 1987. While the market is still rallying, and the overall trend is up, it would be advisable to commit a little less money to the market than usual and tighten up on your stops; oh and of course, look for the next month’s COT report release for more clues.
March of 1987
From 10,000 contracts in February, the commercial net long position rises to 20,000 contracts by mid-March. Okay, this is interesting. From January through March, the S&P 500 index has been in a steady uptrend. However, it is very unusual for commercials to be buyers in an uptrend. Commercials like to buy – relatively speaking – at low prices, and sell – again, relatively speaking – at high prices. So here we are in an uptrend and commercials are buyers. This unusual behavior is considered very positive (bullish) for the market. The large traders or trend followers (blue line) are, until now, neutral on the market. (A bullish sign as well)
April of 1987
From 20,000 contracts, the commercials drop to a new low in April of 5,000 contracts net long, and then drop even further by the April’s end to 2,000 contracts net long. For whatever reason, the commercials were buyers in March relative to February, but are now sellers in April relative to March. This indecisiveness on the commercial’s part is a good reason for investors to stay in cash and for traders to make small bets with very tight stops. If there is one silver lining to all of this, it is that large traders are still neutral on the market. Could the market be topping here? We will have to wait for more COT data to find out!
May to June of 1987
Commercial net long position rebounds from a low of 2,000 in April to a high of 11,000 in mid-May. And in June it is still much of the same, commercials are net long 11,000 contracts in early part of that month, but then drop to 4,000 contracts by June’s end. In fact, if you look at the commercial net longs (yellow line) thus far from January to May, it is slowly but surely declining, meaning that in the big picture commercials are getting out of this market. While at the same time, the price action on the S&P 500 is going no where. It is stuck in a slightly bearish trading range. (2 light-blue parallel lines). And finally we see some commitment on the part of large traders, notice the spike in the blue line at the very end of June. This means that the trend followers are finally waking to the rising prices in the S&P 500 and they want a piece of the action. This probably means anymore upside in the S&P 500 is limited. So is the top finally here? We will need more COT data to find out, but so far it’s looking rather bearish.
July of 1987
Hallelujah! Commercials net long position rises from 4,000 contracts in June to 15,000 contracts in mid-July. Wow, wail till you see what happens next, by the end of July commercials are net long 23,500 contracts in the S&P 500; their largest net long position thus far in all of 1987. And look at the large traders; they are selling out of this market! Not only that, but commercials are buying in an uptrend. Again, this is unusual action, but is considered very bullish. For whatever reason, commercials are heavy buyers in the market. The green check mark represents the pivot point, from a potential top to a renewed buying interest in the S&P 500. Make note of the green vertical arrow as well. This is a good example of what I mean when I say the markets get setup by the commercials ahead of the move itself. Even though commercials were buyers in July, it took another month until you saw in a significant rally in August. (Yellow arrow) As soon as a savvy investor saw that spike in commercial buying interest in the month of July, there is only one thing to do, and nobody screams it out like Cramer; ‘BUY BUY BUY!’
August of 1987
Is this market for real? A new high in commercial net long positions followed just as quickly by a new low in commercial net long positions?! As commercials are selling like no tomorrow, the S&P 500 is hitting all time highs. Also notice the red down trend-line; if you ignore the July spike in commercial buying for just a second, the yellow line is trending down once again confirming that commercials are getting out of this market and that the spike in buying interest was nothing but a one night stand. This is critical to understand: if commercials are net long in July, but then they turn net sellers in August, this is a BIG RED FLAG. It tells investors to move onto the sidelines and for traders to get ready to short. But what if commercials became aggressive buyers in September? What if they went net long 30,000 contracts?? That would be an even BIGGER GREEN FLAG, telling investors to get back into the market until the COT report tells you otherwise. (This was not the case, however, only a hypothetical scenario).
Is this finally the top? So far, it sure looks like one.
September of 1987
In this month commercials are net long -5,000 from a previous net long position of -4,000 in the month of August. (Negative net long simply means that there are more commercial sellers relative to commercial buyers). Meanwhile, the large traders or trend followers are, for the first time in 1987, have a positive net long position in the market of 500 contracts in late-September. (This is bearish) Any sane investor or trader analyzing the COT report should NOT have been initiating any new long positions in the market from August to September. Looking to short the market would be advisable.
October of 1987
The S&P 500 declines over 29% in 4 short days. The extent of the decline was unexpected, but the decline itself was foretold by the COT report. Is there anyway to foretell a market crash like this one? There is actually; click below to find out more about the Hindenburg Omen. http://www.financialsense.com/fsu/editorials/mchugh/2006/0410.html
November to December of 1987
The market crashed, RUN!!! Or, look at the COT data instead: hmm, will you look at those commercials! They are quietly buying into the market when the media is shouting ‘Armageddon!’
What happened after 1987?
After the 1987 crash, which marked a long term bottom in the stock markets, large traders were sellers (in anticipation of lower price), small traders were sellers (also anticipating lower prices), and - you guessed it - commercials were buyers (anticipating higher prices). In the next year or so (from the start of 1988) the S&P 500 index went up to retrace all of its losses from the 1987 crash and went on even higher, much higher.
This happens time and time again, and will continue to occur simply because of the characteristics and fundamental nature of these players and their views of the markets.
Next Week. . .
We will look at the COT reports for the broad indexes TODAY, and see if we can find any clues as to where the market is headed next. What is even more interesting is that we got a confirmed Hindenburg Omen in April. ( http://www.financialsense.com/fsu/editorials/mchugh/2006/0410.html ) In short, the Hindenburg Omen has pretty much, signaled –ahead of time - all the big market crashes and significant declines in history.
http://www.financialsense.com/fsu/editorials/west/2006/0506.html
1) Investopedia.com. "Commitments of Traders Report - COT." http://www.investopedia.com/terms/c/cot.asp. Investopedia Inc (May 04, 2006).
Priming for Trading Success -
Priming for Profits
Brett N. Steenbarger, Ph.D.
www.brettsteenbarger.com
Note: A version of this article appeared in the March, 2006 issue of SFO Magazine
http://www.brettsteenbarger.com/Priming%20for%20Profits.doc
Consider the following situation:
Two groups of subjects in a psychology experiment are asked to memorize those words in a list that begin with vowels. The vowel words are exactly the same for the two groups. The consonant words given to the first group include such terms as "difficult", "confusing", and "bad". The second group receives a different group of consonant words, such as "excellent", "easy", and "simple". After the experiment, the second group reports feeling in a much better mood than the first, but cannot explain why.
This well-documented phenomenon, described by Malcolm Gladwell in his excellent book Blink!, is known as priming. It turns out that many background phenomena play a role in what we think and how we feel. You've no doubt observed that cola commercials feature people having fun, especially amid scenes of splashing water. We're more likely to buy beverages that we associate with good feelings and refreshment. Doctors' offices are filled with diplomas to support their credibility; banks feature traditional furnishings and architecture to convey stability and security. Soundtracks in movies prime us to feel fear or joy; a house for sale that has the smell of baking bread will prime buyers to think of it as home. Afterward, we will probably not recall the details of cola commercials, physicians' offices, bank furnishings, or real estate offerings. All that will be left are impressions.
But those impressions count where it matters most: in determining our behavior. From our reactions to movies to our real estate purchases, priming plays a greater role in our daily lives than we are ever aware.
So what, you ask, does this have to do with trading?
It turns out that traders do a lot of priming--self-priming, we might say. The environments traders create for themselves play an important role in how they feel and--most important--how they act. And yet surprisingly few traders are aware of their own priming behavior. We like to think that we make our decisions rationally, based upon objective analyses of market patterns. But are trading decisions any more rational than our cola choices?
The Self-Priming of Traders
In the course of working as a psychologist with market participants, I would conservatively estimate that I have directly observed dozens of traders (including myself!) while they are trading. Initially, traders feel a bit awkward having someone look over their shoulder, but they quickly adapt. I become part of the office furnishings as traders focus on their screens, and their trading becomes more natural. Eventually it’s as if I’m not even there.
That's when the self-priming begins.
To my surprise every trader I have ever observed (again including myself!) talks while he or she is trading. I’m not just referring to occasional comments and outbursts. Traders carry ongoing dialogues during their work. Sometimes the talk is exuberant when the trade goes their way; other times it is anguished when stop loss points are hit. Traders talk their plans out loud; they curse markets and market participants; they comment on news; and they express hopes and fears for each trade. All of this talk is background to the actual business of entering, managing, and exiting trades; afterwords, traders, I found, recall little of what they said. All that is left are impressions.
But, as with colas and bank offices, those impressions count.
Over the years, I've developed an accurate sense for which traders are going to succeed in the markets and which will not. Indeed, there are times when that sense seems eerily accurate. I’ve worked with traders who have made hundreds of thousands of dollars or more in past markets and, within minutes, accurately recognized that they are finished. Conversely, I’ve watched traders who were on the ropes, seemingly beyond hope, and been (rightly) convinced of their continued potential. Traders assume that my seeming sixth sense comes from analyzing their personalities. But that’s not it at all.
It’s actually much simpler than that: I merely listen to their self-talk during trading and see how it makes me feel. If I find the conversations to be distracting or upsetting, I have to assume that they would have even greater effects on someone experiencing them daily. Traders, I found, prime themselves for success or failure on the basis of the realities they create in their offices.
Think of advertisements as messages inserted between segments of television shows (or magazine articles) designed to influence people’s behavior. Self-talk is our advertisement to ourselves. Positioned between the segments of our lives, it primes us for feeling and action. It matters not a bit whether the messages we receive are from an automobile manufacturer or from ourselves. Those background messages leave indelible impressions.
Priming in the Waiting Room
Quite a few years ago, I was asked by psychiatry residents at my medical school in Syracuse, NY how to determine whether depressed patients needed medication versus talk therapy. I replied with my own question: How many sessions would you need to make that decision yourself? Some wanted several sessions to gather a full history before making the treatment recommendation; others felt more confident that they could arrive at a decision after a single assessment session.
I suggested that they could make the discrimination within the few minutes it took to meet the patient in the waiting room and walk into the therapy office. Medical students were my clients at the time, so I proceeded to demonstrate my point by having residents accompany me for the initial meeting.
My system was quite simple. If the student was studying while waiting for me, I gave the student one point. If the student was willing to chit-chat with me about school, the weather, upcoming vacations, etc. prior to talking about what brought them to therapy, I gave another point. Two points meant that the student was unlikely to need medication; no points raised the likelihood that meds would be needed.
There was no magic to the system. I knew that medical students are time-starved and would use any waiting period to study. If a student wasn’t studying, it was a likely sign that their problems were so interfering with their mood and concentration that they couldn’t study. Similarly, if a student didn’t make conversation with me—in a social situation where one normally puts one’s best foot forward—it was probably because they couldn’t muster the energy and interest to engage in basic social interaction. If a student was that impaired academically and socially, it usually meant that their problem was severe enough to warrant a consideration of medication.
Later, I found an even briefer assessment method. I simply asked the students what they were thinking about in the waiting room. The ones who were not so impaired thought about school, family, their emotional state—a whole host of things. The students who required help beyond talk therapy pretty much only thought about one thing: their problems. Indeed, how much therapy and medication someone needed was directly correlated to how much they thought about their problems.
That’s when it hit me.
Maybe they’re not just thinking about their problems because they’re feeling depressed. Maybe they’re feeling depressed because all they think about are problems. Maybe, unwittingly, they are priming themselves for unhappiness.
So I tried other experiments. I started using solution-focused talk in my first therapy sessions, asking unhappy clients to tell me about times they weren’t miserable, what they were thinking and doing at those times, etc. I pointed out to them that sometimes they were down, but other times their moods were quite good. Perhaps, I suggested, by figuring out what they do to be that non-depressed person, we might be able to do more of it and help them feel better.
Now that, of course, didn’t cure anyone of depression in and of itself and serious cases of chronic depression still required significant therapy and medication. Nonetheless, more often than not, the solution-focused talk led to a visible improvement in the client’s mood and an increase in their motivation to sustain therapy. By talking about not being unhappy, the clients stopped experiencing themselves as depressed people. They became normal people with depressed feelings.
Talking about strengths primed them to feel differently, more positively about themselves. That primed them to take positive actions—and those yielded further priming benefits. Before you knew it, a vicious cycle had turned into a virtuous one.
Priming the Traders
Once I realized the power of priming among traders, I began keeping a scorecard of trader self-talk whenever I first entered a trader's office, just as I had with the down-in-the-dumps students. Here are a few of the key categories that I’ve refined over that time:
1) Situation-focused talk vs. Emotion-focused talk - Traders who talk trading situations out loud--shifts in prices, looming exits, etc.--perform much better than traders whose conversations are ventings of emotion (positive or negative). From the vantage point of cognitive neuroscience, this makes sense: when we're problem-focused, we're activating frontal regions of the brain associated with the executive functions of planning, judgment, and decision-making. When we're in the throes of emotion, those same regions, key to trading behavior, are deactivated. Gladwell, in Blink!, points out that our access to the brain’s frontal regions decreases dramatically as our heart rate elevates. Emotion-focused talk sustains physiological arousal, which impairs cognitive functioning.
2) "I" talk vs. "Me" talk - I'm convinced that this subtle measure may be the best gauge of trader self-priming of all. Traders who are more likely to be successful talk about "I". Traders in trouble refer to "me". The reason for this is that "I" reflects an active tense: "I" do things in relationships, in markets, in life. But things happen to "me". When I'm in the "me" mode, I'm the passive recipient of events; circumstances influence me. When I'm in first-person mode, I am the author of life's events. Successful traders experience themselves as efficacious; they prime themselves to feel in control. Unsuccessful traders exhibit an external locus of control. They are primed to feel that situations control them.
3) On-task talk vs. off-task talk - Successful traders, I've found, display tenacity and a superior capacity for concentration. They can focus on markets from opening bell to the close. Unsuccessful traders lack this intense focus. Much of their talk is off-task: it has nothing to do with markets. Less successful traders IM during the trading day, surf the Web, chat with buddies on bulletin boards, e-mail, and engage in a host of activities that take them away from the flow of market activity. Successful traders talk the market: who is in the market, how the market is trading, how they’re adapting their strategy, etc. They are primed for trading and competition; the less successful traders are primed for avoidance.
Imagine, if you will, purposely exposing a trader to negative messages. Imagine repeatedly filling a trader's head with victim talk. Imagine distracting traders with off-topic conversation just as markets are moving. Now imagine doing all three, day after day. That is the impact of negative priming, and it is the reason why many traders cannot emerge from what would otherwise be normal slumps.
In a very important sense, we create our emotional realities. But there is good news. Once you inform people of priming effects, those effects vanish. If you tell consumers they're being manipulated, they no longer fall for glitsy advertising. If you help unhappy people recall their periods of joy, they no longer remain mired in negativity. And if you make traders aware of their self-priming, they change their emotional realities. In my work with traders, it begins with a tape recorder, a journal, and a willingness to relentlessly rehearse solution-focused talk. When traders hear how they talk to themselves and see how it affects their trading, they become aware of what they're doing--and eventually catch themselves in the act. They stop falling for the self-advertisements.
Even more important, their rehearsal of constructive, situation-focused talk—helps traders not only feel in control, but take control. That leads to some good trades, and that further reinforces the positive self-talk. The virtuous cycle, once again, replaces the vicious one.
Priming, Gladwell recognized, operates on the unconscious mind. Changing our priming, Freud realized, means making the unconscious conscious. The most powerful change technique of all is clear, consistent awareness. If you wanted to address a relationship problem, you would change how you communicate with your partner. To change your relationship with yourself, you need only do the same.
The April 2006 Hindenburg Omen Has Now Been Confirmed
by Robert McHugh
April 23, 2006
There have only been 24 confirmed Hindenburg Omen events over the past 21 years, and it could be argued there were only 21 as there have been three declines tied to a pair of Omens a few months apart.In each instance, a sharp decline followed within 1 to 4 months; some were crashes. While April 2004's decline was mild if measuring the post 30 days, the actual decline lasted half a year, albeit choppy, and led to an 820 point, 7.8 percent decline from April to October 2004. Call it a kickoff to a mini Bear market. The point is, these are rare, and usually reliable forecasters of meaningful declines. We show them pictorially this weekend with red arrows designating when the H.O. cluster began. Yellow arrows show the subsequent damage. In all instances when the confirmed Hindenburg Omen occurred, at the very least we got a sideways interruption to the prior rally trend. In no instances did a rally ignore the Omen and keep going without at least a small sideways pause.
Further, there was not one major decline (over 10 percent) that did not first have a Hindenburg Omen present to give an early warning. We were warned every time there was a crash, or multi-month plunge, of the higher-than-normal probability of one coming, through the presence of a Hindenburg Omen.
Well, once again we have one on the clock, right now, April 2005. Since April 7th, when we observed the first one, there have been three official confirming Omens, so we now sit with four. There actually have been two more that met the old definition that many analysts followed, but just missed under our stricter requirements that we established to improve the correlation with declines (see issue 305 in our archives for that definition). Of the five criteria, these last two missed only because New Highs were more than twice New Lows. Sometimes that situation leads to false positives, so we eliminate them. But, we still have four, so this Hindenburg Omen is now confirmed.
You can go to www.technicalindicatorindex.com and click on the Guest Articles button to get a more in-depth discussion of the criteria for a Hindenburg Omen and the theory on why it works. Let's recap what this means as far as probabilities of decline:
If we define a crash as a 15% decline, of the 23 previous confirmed Hindenburg Omen signals, six (26.1 percent ) were followed by financial system threatening, life-as-we-know-it threatening stock market crashes. Three (13.0 percent) more were followed by stock market selling panics (10% to 14.9% declines). Three more (13.0 percent) resulted in sharp declines (8% to 9.9% drops). Five (21.7 percent) were followed by meaningful declines (5% to 7.9%), four (17.4 percent) saw mild declines (2.0%to 4.9%), and two (8.6 percent) were failures, with subsequent declines of 2.0% or less. Put another way, there is a greater than 25 percent probability that a stock market crash -- the big one -- will occur after we get a confirmed (more than one in a cluster) Hindenburg Omen. There is a 39 percent probability that at least a panic or crash sell-off will occur. There is a 52 percent probability that a sharp decline greater than 8.0 % will occur, and there is a 73.8 percent probability that a stock market decline of at least 5 percent will occur. Only one out of roughly 11.5 times will this signal fail. All the biggies over the past 21 years were identified by this signal (as defined with our five conditions). It was present and accounted for a few weeks before the stock market crash of 1987, was there three trading days before the mini crash panic of October 1989, showed up at the start of the 1990 recession, warned about trouble a few weeks prior to the L.T.C.M and Asian crises of 1998, announced that all was not right with the world after Y2K, telling us early 2000 was going to see a precipitous decline. The Hindenburg Omen gave us a three month heads-up on 9/11, and told us we would see panic selling into an October 2002 low.
Here's the data:
Date of first
Hindenburg
Omen Signal # of Signals
In Cluster DJIA
Subsequent
% Decline Time Until
Decline
Bottomed
4/7/2006 4 ? ?
9/21/2005 (1) 5 2.2% 22 days
4/13/2004 (2) 5 5.4% 30 days
6/20/2002 5 15.8% 30 days
23.9% 112 days
6/20/2001 2 25.5% 93 days
3/12/2001 4 11.4% 11 days
9/15/2000 9 12.4% 33 days
7/26/2000 3 9.0% 83 days
1/24/2000 6 16.4% 44 days
6/15/1999 2 6.7% 122 days
12/22/1998 (3) 2 0.2% 1 day
7/21/1998 (4) 1 19.7% 41 days
12/11/1997 11 5.8% 32 days
6/12/1996 3 8.8% 34 days
10/09/1995 6 1.7% 1 day
9/19/1994 7 8.2% 65 days
1/25/1994 14 9.6% 69 days
11/03/1993 3 2.1% 2 days
12/02/1991 9 3.5% 7 days
6/27/1990 17 16.3% 91 days
11/01/1989 36 5.0% 91 days
10/11/1989 2 10.0% 5 days
9/14/1987 5 38.2% 36 days
7/14/1986 9 3.6% 21 days
(1) In September 2005, the Fed pumped $148 billion in liquidity from the first week in September, just before the Hindenburg Omens were generated - to the third week of October, an 11 percent annual rate of growth in M-3 (2.5 times the rate of GDP growth and 5 times the reported inflation rate), to stave off a crash. The liquidity held the market to a 2.2 percent decline from the initiation of the signal.
(2) In April 2004, the Fed pumped $155 billion in liquidity from the last week in April - right after the Hindenburg Omens were generated - to the third week of May, a 22 percent annual rate of growth in M-3, to stave off a crash. Even with the liquidity, the market still fell 5.0 percent.
(3) The 12/23/1998 signal barely qualified, as the McClellan Oscillator was barely negative at -9, and New Highs were nearly double New Lows. Had this weak signal not occurred, condition # 5 would not have been met. This skin-of-the-teeth confirmation may be why it failed. It says something for having multiple, strong confirming signals.
(4) This signal came close to having two confirming signals, which may be why as a non-cluster signal, it produced a strong sell-off.
Another point to make here is that the actual stock market declines are often greater than the measures in the prior data chart. That's because oftentimes the decline from a top has already occurred before the Hindenburg Omens have been generated. These percent declines are only measuring the declines from the first Omen in a cluster. If we measured declines from the tops, it would be worse in many cases. For example, the September 2005 signals came after the September 12th high of 10,701. The autumn decline of 2005 into October 13th, 2005 bottom ended up being 545 points (5 percent) even with all the liquidity pumping by the Fed.
Here's something interesting: Oftentimes equities will rally after a Hindenburg Omen occurs, faking folks out, then the plunge comes on the other side of the hilltop. 1987 is a perfect example of that. We are also seeing that now.
As of April 21st, 2006, here are the details for the cluster of confirmed signals (4 so far) that meet all five of the conditions required for a potential stock market crash warning:
April 7th, 2006: The figures were 3,435 total issues traded on the NYSE Wednesday, with 167 New 52 Week Highs and 103 New 52 Week Lows. The common number of new highs and lows is 103, which is 3.00 percent of total issues traded, above the minimum threshold of 2.2 percent. The McClellan Oscillator came in at negative -120.43, and the 10 week NYSE was rising. New highs were not more than double new lows.
April 10th, 2006: The figures were 3,463 total issues traded on the NYSE Wednesday, with 86 New 52 Week Highs and 104 New 52 Week Lows. The common number of new highs and lows is 86, which is 2.48 percent of total issues traded, above the minimum threshold of 2.2 percent. The McClellan Oscillator came in at negative -135.71, and the 10 week NYSE was rising. New highs were not more than double new lows.
April 17th, 2006: There were 3,440 issues traded on the NYSE Monday, with 113 New 52 Week Highs and a rising 190 New 52 Week Lows. The common number of new highs and lows is 113, which is 3.28 percent of total issues traded. The McClellan Oscillator came in at negative -163.12, and the 10 week NYSE Moving Average is rising. New Highs were not more than double new lows.
April 18th, 2006 (Occurred during a mega 200 point rally, believe it or not): While The Wall Street Journal, our preferred data source, showed New Highs slightly more than twice New Lows, other services we follow count NYSE New Highs as not being more than twice New Lows. The McClellan Oscillator was negative, at minus -47.65, WSJ NYSE New Highs were 278 and New Lows were 131, the lowest common amount being 131, which is more than the 2.2 percent of total issues minimum requirement, at 3.8 percent of 3,446 issues. And, the 10 week moving average for the NYSE is rising.
Warning: Do not go short the farm! We now have to factor in that the Fed is pumping liquidity to prevent crashes once these signals occur. And now that they have hidden M-3, we cannot even monitor how much liquidity they are supplying to the Plunge Protection Team. So you do not want to go short the farm. You may want to think about taking prudent precautionary action according to your investment advisor given the much higher-than-normal odds of a crash. That may not mean shorting. It may mean increasing cash positions or hitting the sidelines for a while. Or it may mean a carefully constructed shorting strategy developed with your advisor, that limits losses, and invests only the amount which you can fully afford to lose.
* * *
http://www.safehaven.com/article-5019.htm
Trading For A Living - Part 2
by Geoff Turnbull
In part 1 of this article I started to look at the financial implications of giving up the day job to instead start trading full time for a living. There are more than just monetary considerations as we will see later, but for now, there are some more costs to ponder
More Costs!
Let’s move on to equipment. Presumably you already have a PC and internet connection by virtue of the fact you are reading this on the internet. But are these both up to the job of trading full time? Again the specifications for both hardware and ISP will depend largely on your trading style, but if you’re relying on a 100Mhz Pentium II and a dial up service, you’re setting yourself up for failure. So budget for quality equipment, budget to keep it up to spec, and budget for some repairs too – expect the unexpected. Many traders make the mistake of saying “This will do me whilst I start out, and I’ll get something better when I make some real money”. This is quite simply false economy, you are unlikely to ever make real money with a substandard setup (and this applies equally to substandard software and data feeds). This is a cut-throat business and 95% fail, you must give yourself every advantage you can. You wouldn’t enter the Indy 500 in a go-kart with the intention of buying a better car when you’ve won a few races, and the same thing applies here.
Earnings
When you’ve added this all together, you have a pretty good picture of how much money you need to generate from your trading in order to live. Does your past performance suggest you will be able to meet this target? It’s tempting to say “When I go full time I’ll make much more”, but how do you know this is the case? Perhaps you can take a couple of weeks holiday and try it out – if you don’t make enough in that two weeks then you’re not ready. A few weeks really isn’t enough time to know if you’re going to succeed though. An ideal next step then is to cut your day job hours to part time and trade maybe two or three days a week. This way you know you have some money coming in, you get to trade for real, and if it all goes horribly wrong you are probably better placed to get back into full time employment than someone who quit the working world completely.
The option of part time work is a luxury many of us don’t have however. So does it have to be all or nothing – trade or work? Why not keep the day job and trade outside your working hours as well. If you are trading and end of day strategy, then this is easily achieved by doing your research in the evening and placing the appropriate combinations of Stop and Limit orders with your broker. For day traders, certainly practising is easier if your intended market is not your home market, for example if you want to trade the US and you live in the UK where you can come home and paper trade in the evening. There are other try before you buy options open to the day traders who want to practise trading their home market outside of normal hours though. eSignal allows you to download tick data for any symbol and play it back in real time or speeded up so you could trade the whole day in an hour. Other vendors have similar offerings, and if you have an IB account you can use AutoTrader to record tick data during the day for playback into a demo version of SierraCharts or QuoteTracker for free.
The bottom line here is that before you take the plunge, you need to have done everything in your power to prepare yourself for what lies ahead. It will still be harder than you ever thought, but it will be nigh on impossible with no preparation whatsoever.
Other Considerations
There are a few non-financial aspects to consider before going full time with your trading. If you have a family, how will the change impact them? Do you have the space to work uninterrupted during the day? It’s important that the family don’t assume that because you are at home you are automatically available to take the kids to school, or walk the dog. Make sure from the start that everybody knows the ground rules and that you can separate your working time from your free time effectively.
Consider also the social impact of leaving your full time employer. Again, if you have a partner or family are you going to drive each other nuts being in the same house all day? Relationships can be tested to the limit! Or if you live alone, are you going to drive yourself nuts being on your own all day? Trading full time can give you enormous amounts of free time, but if you have nothing to fill that time with you can quickly lose the plot – I’ve seen it happen and it’s not pretty.
Is It Worth It?
Nobody can tell you if trading for a living is for you, it’s something you have to find out for yourself. I’ve seen traders go through highs and lows to challenge those of any stock chart, but for most it has proved to be a good move. The long list of benefits are all there for the taking, as with any change of career or indeed any major life change, as long as you go into it with your eyes open, and above all prepare, then there is no reason why it cannot work for you.
Geoff Turnbull is a full time day trader, and a contributor to http://www.stock-trading-world.com
Trading For Living - Part 1
By Geoff Turnbull
The Trading Dream
You know how it is, you’re sitting in a traffic jam at some unearthly hour of a particularly wet and miserable morning, on the way to the same office you have sat in for too long to remember, and you’re thinking - there must be a better way – life shouldn’t have to be like this. Your mind starts to wander and you find yourself thinking back to that stock you bought only a week ago, and how it skyrocketed giving you enough profit to takes the kids to Disneyland in the summer, and you begin to consider if you couldn’t make a fulltime living at this trading game. The advantages are certainly tempting; no more pointless meetings with the manager, hours to suit, holidays whenever you feel like it, and with your home-office - no more traffic jams. Heck, come to that you could even make home anywhere you want it to be! By the time the traffic starts moving again. you’re busily calculating how much cash you could make if all your trades went like that last one - you’re almost ready to write your notice letter there and then!
The Bad News
Time for a reality check. Certainly all of the above benefits are there to be enjoyed, but it’s a huge step from full time employee to full time trader. Are you really ready to give up that monthly pay-check just yet? Can you really cope not knowing how much money you’re going to make month to month? Are you prepared for the months when you actually lose money instead of make it? There are many things to consider before taking the leap of faith.
Considerations
Before you even think about trading for a living you have to know how much money you need to live on, that is, how much cash do you need to generate every month in order to survive. As a financially minded person you already have good home accounts, or are at the very least vaguely aware of where the money goes. So take the annual figure (monthly is no good, you need to account for annual recurring items like insurance premiums, car servicing, and vacations), add 50% and divide by 12. Why add 50%? Because there will always be unexpected expenses, and as traders we are always prepared to expect the unexpected. Now you know how much money you need each month, you can look at your savings and work out how much buffer money you have, that is, how long you could survive without earning anything at all. You can’t expect to be an instantly profitable trader, and even the best and most experienced have periods of drawdown, so you need to be ready for the worst. If you can’t live for at least six months from your savings then you are probably under capitalised and are not ready to give up that pay-check just yet. An important but often overlooked aspect of under capitalisation is the effect it will have on your trading; if you are trading because you need the money, then you are trading scared and you’re almost certainly going to lose. You cannot distance yourself from the money-aspect of the trade if you are relying on the money.
Living expenses are only one part of the financial equation. Next you must consider how much trading capital you need. This is the money actually facilitate trading, in other words your account balance for trading margin, and the money you will be spending on data feeds, software, and internet access. You must account for this separately, you cannot start eating into your daily living expenses money just because you took a bad trade and need some more margin.
The amount of trading capital you require will depend very much on your trading style. To day trade the US Stock Markets for example, you must have at least $25,000 in your account, so budget for $30,000 to allow for positions moving against you (if you fall below the $25k minimum even briefly, your account can be frozen for up to three months). If you are holding positions overnight you may manage with a lower balance but bear in mind your buying power and consequently returns will be reduced.
If all this is starting to sound expensive, well it is. There’s no two ways about it, you simply cannot survive long term as a trader if you are under funded.
http://www.stock-trading-world.com/full-time-trader-1.html
How to manage the psychological risks of trading
By Brett Steenbarger and Adam Mann
TradingMarkets.com
April 13, 2006 5:30 PM ET
In our article earlier this week, we made the distinction between trading to not lose vs. trading to win. We suggested that trading to not lose occurs when perceived risk varies greatly from actual risk. Under those conditions, we will fail to take advantage of genuine opportunities (if we perceive risk as greater than it really is) or we will lurch into markets when there is no opportunity (if we perceive less risk than is truly present).
Suppose we offer you a trading methodology that is 60% accurate across a variety of trading conditions over a period of many years. All you have to do is risk a prudent 2% of your capital on each trade and ride your edge. The method trades twice a week and, on a historical basis, has been solidly profitable every year for the past five years.
After performing your due diligence, you decide to follow the trading method. You begin with $100,000 of capital. To see what your results might look like in a year's time, Dr. Brett employed a random number generator that spit out numbers between 1 and 50. If the number came out to be 1-20, the trade was considered a loser and $2000 was deducted from the account. If the number was higher than 20 [sic 40?], the trade was deemed a winner and $2000 was added to the account. That provided a random sequence of winners and losers with an overall 60/40 win/loss edge and risk per trade limited to 2% of starting capital. (Note: This is a simplified example. Commissions and other trading expenses were not deducted; in real life we would risk X% of portfolio value, not a fixed percentage of starting capital).
By August, here is what your trading results looked like: [omitted]
The good news is that you're up money. Indeed, you've made 8% on your initial capital. Not sexy, perhaps, but better than the proverbial stick in the eye. The bad news is that, since March, you're actually down money. In fact, for most of the year so far you've been treading water. Notice that, even with this built-in edge and prudent loss limits, there are psychological risks embedded in trading:
=> The risk of boredom - Many traders are attracted to trading because of the possibility of large P/L moves in a relatively short period of time. Our sound trading method offers little such excitement. Indeed, there are long periods of relatively flat performance. If the trader is trading for needs other than profitability (excitement, quick riches), he or she is apt to abandon the method after months of treading water.
=> The risk of drawdown - Many traders equate a trading edge with a smooth equity curve. Not so! As we mentioned in the earlier article, even a method with a 60/40 win/loss ratio will experience a series of four losing trades 2-3 times on average per 100 trades. In the case of our random order of wins and losses, we wound up with months of drawdown, albeit modest. The trader who equates drawdown with failure will abandon even a good method.
=> The risk of drawup - We made up that term, in case you wondered, but you get the point. If drawdown is the amount your portfolio loses value in a period of time, drawup is the amount your portfolio rises. In a relatively short period, we had a series of winners early in the year, putting the portfolio up 20%. A method with 60% winners has about a 13% chance of giving you streaks of four consecutive wins. Why is this a risk? After a big drawup, many traders become overconfident and change their position sizing and trading frequency, negating their edge. Their expectations raised, they find it harder to get through the inevitable periods of flat performance.
So let's say you succumb to those risks and, by August, abandon the trading method. Here's how our random sequencing of winners and losers wound up the year: [omitted]
Silly us. Just as we bailed out due to boredom, drawdown, and/or unfulfilled high expectations, the method gave us a streak of winning trades. By the end of the year, we would have been up over 30% on our initial capital.
This raises the most fundamental psychological risk of all:
=> The risk of sequencing - Quite simply, even with a demonstrated edge and prudent loss limits, we cannot know in advance the sequencing of our winners and losers. The account is up handsomely for the year, but spent just as much time treading water as rising. Much of the method's gains were obtained in a relatively short period of time--but we can't know what that precise time is going to be. That means we have to endure down sequences and flat ones in order to get to the winning periods.
The risk of sequencing is a psychological risk even if you have an edge, and it is a risk whether you trade a mechanical system or in a totally discretionary manner. Quite simply, if you have X% odds of winning, you can determine the probability of encountering streaks of wins and losses. If you perceive those streaks as abnormal events--even when they're statistically expectable--you will respond to them abnormally: with anxiety, self-doubt, and likely missed opportunity.
Sequencing offers psychological risk because we tend to take those sequences personally. When we have a string of wins, we think we have a hot hand. We think we've figured the market out. We feel overconfident, and we act accordingly. Conversely, when we have a string of losses, we think we're on a cold streak. We think we've lost our edge. We lose confidence, and we act accordingly. And if we have strings of alternating wins and losses? We think we're wasting our time, going nowhere. We feel bored, and we act accordingly.
The best psychological treatment aligns psychological risk--the risk we perceive--with actual market risk. We accomplish that by knowing--as precisely as possible--the historical performance of our trading methods. That is relatively easy when we're trading mechanical systems: many software programs will provide us with detailed reports of system performance, including drawdowns, the maximum number of successive winners and losers, and P/L curves.
What many traders don't know is that, they can obtain similar reports for their discretionary trading. Programs such as Trader DNA (www.traderdna.com ) and platforms such as Neoticker (www.tickquest.com) and Ninja Trader (www.ninjatrader.com) collate trading results for traders and calculate performance statistics, similar to those used to evaluate trading systems. These statistics can be collected for simulated as well as live trading, enabling traders to determine their edges before placing money at risk. (Disclaimer: We have no commercial ties to any of these firms or services).
The psychologist Donald Meichenbaum introduced a technique for stress management that he called stress inoculation. He found that exposing people to low levels of an anticipated stressor helped them cope with actual stresses when they occurred. Evaluating your performance--knowing your likely drawdowns, drawups, and flat performances in advance--is a kind of stress inoculation, preparing you for the outcomes you're likely to face even when you trade well. We are well acquainted with how emotions can disrupt trading; less well appreciated is how trading can play with our heads! As in medicine, a little inoculation can go a long way toward preventing major ills.
Global Contagion
by Joseph Russo
April 16, 2006
TECHNICAL ANALYSIS
All of the charts presented are in nominal terms using classic tenets of Elliott Wave Theory. The analysis reflects both the nature and maturity of wave structures as interpreted by the author.
Our technical contribution and comprehensive subscription service is designed to assist traders, investors, and portfolio managers in navigating many of the unique technical conditions surrounding current market patterns around the globe.
The one tenet of Elliott Wave Theory that surfaces time and again in our “contagion” analysis is that of the fifth wave extension at intermediate degree or higher.
The propensity for fifth waves to extend has been quite rare in recent decades. Back in the late 1800’s through the late 1930’s, there appears to be sufficient evidence that stocks tended to stretch their final runs.
It also seems to have been Elliott’s general preference to anticipate that the fifth wave of an impulsive advance would often pack the biggest punch by way of “stretching” or “extending.”
From the ‘40’s through the 80’s this has not generally been the case. Today, it is more common to anticipate that it will be the “third” wave and not the fifth that holds the higher probability of extending the stock indices.
Given the price action across a broad array of global equity indices, it is difficult for us NOT to consider the probability that extended fifth waves are currently under way.
Just how far along they are in development remains somewhat elusive. In some markets, the extensions appear ripe for termination at any moment, while others display clear evidence of more room to run.
Monitoring the unfolding of such extensions is quite challenging due to the perplexity and multitude of sub-divisions required to complete the sequence.
As always, the larger periods are dominant, and what may count out as a satisfactory sequence of completion on a daily chart may well end up disappearing into the larger time frames subsuming rendition of the pattern in force.
The probable cause of its development may reside under the auspices and repetition of exponentially larger and larger injections of global liquidity at numerous junctures of crisis spanning 10-20 years or more.
Below is an idealized extended Intermediate Degree (5) terminal:
The following pattern example is a more realistic representation of how an extended (5) of Intermediate Degree may unfold in real time:
Now it is time to explore some of the recent Global Contagion in real time.
AUSTRALIA
A Glimpse of the Top from Down Under
Since the 2004 wave (4) print low in 2003, the ASX has gracefully ascended with fewer and fewer pullbacks in five waves of Minor Degree; marching straight toward the top of its trend channel.
BRAZIL
Perpetual Carnival since late 2002
Of interest regarding the Bovespa, is the prospect for the currently topping Intermediate (5) to be terminating only that of Primary “3”.
INDIA
Forever Rising in the East
India continues to display a relentless advance- virtually absent of any meaningful corrections since 2005. The fifth wave extending in the BSE appears to be one of Minor Degree. The completion of Minor x5 will mark an extended Intermediate (3) terminal. Note the smaller narrow trend channels drawn from the 2005 lows. Price has climbed near the top of this trend channel and has already begun to descend.
MEXICO
That GIANT SUCKING SOUND seems to have bred one heck of a Bull Market for Mexico
After kicking and clawing its way through Intermediate (4) and Minor 4, the Bolsa has done nothing but ascend in stellar fashion since the 2002 low marking Minute ‘2’. Of immediate concern are the two divergences occurring against the ’06 all time highs in both the RSI and ROC. Note the two key power up trend lines in light gray and blue. Should they both hold- the top of the trend channel remains very much in play.
RUSSIA
RED BULL …. A bull like no other!
We will let the chart of the RTSI speak for itself.
Commntary in Full
http://www.financialsense.com/fsu/editorials/russo/2006/0416.html
Crumbling Under Debt
By John F. Ince, AlterNet.
Posted April 8, 2006.
(from the documentary Time Bomb http://www.time-bomb.org/ )
Americans are relying on borrowed money to maintain our standard of living. A major crash is coming unless we take action now.
Last month, for the third time during the presidency of George W. Bush, the U.S. Congress raised America's debt ceiling (http://www.msnbc.msn.com/id/11944791/). By bumping up our own credit limit, the country's leaders allowed us to technically avoid defaulting on our loans, but the move raises disturbing questions about the resolve of our leaders to ever put the country on a sustainable borrowing path.
Economists and businesspeople have been warning for some time that sooner or later, America's binge of borrowing must come to an end, or we will all suffer drastic consequences. Despite widespread concern about America's increasing debt load, the issue lacks the sort of "sex appeal" that the media needs to go at the issue more aggressively. And without media attention, politicians feel little pressure to deal with the issue in a substantive way.
According to Peter G. Peterson, former secretary of commerce under President Nixon, and today chairman of The Blackstone Group, "There are very serious people that believe our current fiscal irresponsibility is heading this country towards a hard landing." A hard landing is a period that combines rising interest rates with rising inflation rates. That would hit Americans right where it hurts, in the pocketbook, by decreasing their purchasing power at a time when everything costs more.
Today, the average American's share of the national debt is $27,000 and rising. How much longer can this continue? While no one can predict the day of reckoning, this much is for sure: Every day we ignore the problem, we increase the chances that the problem will have severe, if not catastrophic, consequences.
"Sooner or later" is rapidly becoming sooner
In the last few weeks, we began to see signals that the consequences may come sooner than most Americans expect. According to Business Week, both the European Central Bank and the Bank of Japan have raised their interest rates -- which could signal that the days of foreign investors propping up the U. S. economy may soon be on the wane. Bottom line, this potentially will have serious consequences for all Americans, but especially for average Americans living on the edge of poverty.
The first consequence will be a rapid decline in Americans' standard of living. Fed Chairman Ben Bernanke insists the economy is strong, because many of the traditional measures of economic growth remain solid. Inventory levels, corporate profits and unemployment statistics all point towards continued growth. But what about the $3 billion a day that Americans cumulatively spend on interest payments? What about the estimated $834 billion that Americans have borrowed off their mortgages last year alone? Do average Americans have any kind of savings to use as a cushion in the event of a "hard landing?" Can an already-hard-working single mom just go back into the job market to make ends meet when serious inflation kicks in?
Second, should our debt levels continue to increase at unsustainable rates, we will soon reach a point where foreign investors demand an interest rate premium for lending to us. Or worse yet, they may simply decide to put their money in other financial instruments than U. S. Treasury bonds, which will suck the wind out of the U. S. economy very rapidly and likely lead to recession or a depression.
Third, weaknesses in the U. S. economy will cause the value dollar to weaken relative to foreign currencies. When this happens, as it inevitably must, everything Americans buy from abroad will cost more. And considering that America's manufacturing base has all but evaporated, we buy just about everything from abroad. With our dollar worth increasingly less, virtually every industry will start to feel inflationary pressures, leading to layoffs and a further downward cycle for the economy.
Fourth and most fundamentally, our debt crisis has serious implications for America's status as a world leader. When Britain was the world's most powerful country, it was the world's leading moneylender. But when England became a debtor nation, their stature in world affairs rapidly declined. The lessons of history are clear: A nation's borrowing from abroad is generally a precursor to decline. Harvard economics professor, Benjamin Friedman, says in the TIME-BOMB documentary, "Again and again it has always been the world's leading lending country that has been the premier country in terms of political influence, diplomatic influence and cultural influence. Today we are no longer the world's leading lending country. In fact we are now the world's biggest debtor country, and we are continuing to wield influence on the basis of military prowess alone."
How did we get in this mess?
The root causes and consequences of this situation are explored thoroughly in the TIME-BOMB documentary, and they go much deeper than simply movements in interest rates and capital flows.
Most pointedly, there has been a fundamental shift in political attitudes towards debt, leading towards fiscal irresponsibility by our leaders in Washington. Since taking office, the Bush administration has added $2.5 trillion to the national debt, from $5.662 trillion when Bush took office in January 2001 up to $8.170 trillion on New Year's Day 2006. This represents an astounding increase of 44 percent during a period when prior projections suggested a $4 billion surplus. Despite this alarming increase in the debt during Bush's presidency, no one in a position of power has seriously proposed any measures that would address the root causes of the problem.
Simply put, Americans have become mired in a culture of debt. We buy things we don't make and don't need with money borrowed from abroad. America's economy has shifted dramatically in recent decades from an "old" economy based upon manufacturing capability to a "new and improved" economy based upon services. But increasingly, the services that America offers the world are financial in nature, designed to make it easier for Americans to live beyond their needs. Hence we sink even deeper into debt, comforted by the delusion that foreigners will continue to prop up our economy.
The Blanche Dubois syndrome
America now relies upon the kindness of strangers to finance almost 50 percent of the government debt, with the lion's share coming from the Asian central banks. We now borrow over 6 percent of our GDP from abroad. Billionaire investor Warren Buffet puts this in perspective: "If the country does not change course, within 10 years the rest of the world would end up owning $15 trillion worth of the United States, equivalent to owning every share of American stock."
Many experts are worried about our increasing debt load. According to Harvard economics professor (and former chief economist at the IMF), "this is not a normal state of affairs. And it's certainly not something we expect to see from the world's richest country."
America has been able to get away with this so far, largely because of cheap foreign capital, cheap labor in China and India for manufacturing, and relatively cheap energy. But China's economy is now booming, moving labor costs ever skyward. And with energy costs now on the rise, it's only a matter of time until these costs get passed on to American consumers in the form of higher prices for "cheap" imports.
This will send shock waves through the U. S. economy. Real estate markets, already cooling, would enter a downward spiral. Mortgage foreclosures and personal bankruptcies, already approaching record levels, would soar. And this could all put the solvency of major banks in jeopardy, further risking more virulent forms of inflation or, in the worst case, hyperinflation. History buffs will recall that hyperinflation was the situation in post-World War I Germany that created the social conditions exploited by Hitler in his ascent to power.
So what can we do to prevent this from happening or at least reduce the severity of the eventual reckoning?
Because many of these problems are so complex, most Americans have no clue what to do. This unfortunately results in a near total lack of organized pressure on our elected officials to make any structural changes, and nothing gets done. Perhaps the most insidious aspect of all this is that the problems increase only incrementally, until a point at which it is too late to do anything, at which time the economy suddenly goes into a tailspin.
Our challenge is to address the problems before they reach this stage. To do this we must make a commitment to understand what is really happening. Things you can do are elaborated on the website www.time-bomb.org, but for starters here are six concrete things you can do.
First, become knowledgeable about the problems. The website for the documentary film contains links to source material that will enable you to speak intelligently about the problem.
Second, contact Howard Dean at the Democratic National Committee (hdean@dnc.org)) and urge him to make dealing with America's unsustainable borrowing patterns a higher priority of the Democratic Party. Urge him to develop concrete proposals to deal with this issue.
Third, urge activist groups such as MoveOn and TrueMajority.org to elevate this problem in their list of priorities. Only through concerted action can we begin to apply pressure on our elected officials to address the root causes of the problems.
Fourth, write your local newspaper or TV station and ask the editor to cover these issues more aggressively.
Fifth, sign the "Petition for Fiscal Responsibility" on the website, and urge your friends and colleagues to do the same. The signatures will be collected and presented to elected officials in Washington.
Most importantly, at every opportunity we should seek to raise this issue in political forums related to the 2006 midterm elections. Already Bush & Co. have risked serious disaffection on this issue from one of their key constituencies, fiscal conservatives. Only when our elected officials realize that their continued fiscal irresponsibility may cost them their jobs will they begin to take real action to address the problems.
The Phantom Cartel Part III
by Mark Taylor
April 03, 2006
In parts one and two of The Phantom Cartel we have been taking very close looks at the behavior of all participants within the gold market. As stated before, it is the conclusion of many gold commentators that the Commercial Traders at COMEX have and continue to suppress the price of gold. We have investigated the positions held by the Commercial, Non-commercial, and the Non-Reportable Traders at COMEX. It is quite evident during the period from March 1993 through September 1993 that the rise in prices was a matter of speculative buying on the part of both the Non- Commercial and Non-Reportable traders. The COT data from that period conclusively points to these same traders as those that began selling out of their long positions at the August high. Using information from the CFTC's oversight programs, it is also known that the Commercials primary use of futures contracts revolves around hedging against price risk of both current and future exposure to the physical ownership of gold. I offered a simple example of a seller's hedge in part two of this series. In this link, The Sellers Hedge, you can read for yourself examples provided by the NYMEX web site that are complete in detail and inarguable as to the functionality and importance of the Commercial Hedge.
Before continuing, and with the hope that interested readers will indulge this slight excursion, I will first respond to a recent article written by Mr. Dimitri Speck. Response to Zorro's Phantom Cartel. In the article it is said that I ignored his "statistical findings supporting a concerted effort to keep prices down" from the essay, "Price anomalies in the gold market". This is not entirely correct; I did not ignore the statistics that were presented. What I did ignore was the final conclusion of his thesis based upon some statements that were made in the article as well as an admitted lack of data. By Mr. Speck's own admission, a few quotes from that very essay:
"For the more recent past a reference price a few minutes after the London afternoon fixing would be better suited to our purposes than the closing price, but since these are not available before 1998 the closing price must be used. For the period prior to 2001 (since gold started rising) this approximation is close enough."
"The basic premise of a typical sharp drop during the Comex session hasn't changed. Only the test procedure, chosen because of data availability is too inexact."
The one quote, "We can hold the price of gold very easily." (A comment made by Fed Governor Angell in 1993) is just one of many quotes Mr. Speck has used as so-called "evidence" the Fed is suppressing gold prices. The quote is among 5 others that were listed in another essay FED-Musings on the Eve of the Gold Suppression.
The six quotes below were all taken from Fed Governor Angell's remarks (beginning on page 39 of the meetings minutes) and the link will take you to the original document. Because of the size of the file, I have also posted the pages of concern (Governor Angell's words) at my website so you will not need to download the entire file.
1.) "...The price of gold is pretty well determined by us. ... long-term interest rates can have a significant impact."
2.) "But the major impact upon the price of gold is the opportunity cost of holding the U.S. dollar. No other currency has a reserve base that causes someone to be able to say: 'Well, I don't like holding my own currency'. If you don't like holding your own currency, you always have the option of holding dollars instead."
3.) "... We've had a 20 percent increase in price of gold since last February's Humphrey-Hawkins meeting. Now, [yearly] world production of gold only runs 2.3 percent of world stocks."
4.) "... the value of the world's stock of gold is a measly $1.4 trillion. Now, a lot of that is held by central banks. But we were at one time in a restraining mode, making it unprofitable for central banks to hold gold."
5.) " ... this year those who have held gold have said they've got the best deal going as the [value of the] world's gold stock has appreciated $234 billion since our February meeting. We can hold the price of gold very easily;"
6.) "all we have to do is to cause the opportunity cost in terms of interest rates and U.S. Treasury bills to make it unprofitable to own gold."
These bits and pieces of an overall discussion seem fairly convincing that the speaker might be thinking of controlling the price of gold. However if one were to read the entire dialogue, it would become clear that Mr. Angell's concern was the impact that inflation, tax hikes, and low interest rates were having on a Retiree's savings. Prior to having begun discussing the gold effect, Mr. Angell read part of a letter from a Retiree that had complained how his savings were being depleted due to inflation. He then went on to discuss how (in other countries) the citizens will turn to gold (and often the dollar) to safeguard against paper currencies that have terrible inflation rates. He makes the assertion that gold prices are not rising because China, India, and Indonesia are buying gold. Mr. Angell goes on to explain that gold prices are determined by them because of the interest rate they decide will be paid. As the discussion progresses, it is plain that Mr. Angell sees a rising gold price as an effect caused by low interest rates. Not only will people seek to guard against inflation by purchasing gold, he explains that they will take undue risk in other markets such as the stock market and the junk bond market. He continues on to declare that it is "Our Job" to provide stability for savers (by setting a higher rate of interest) rather than to drive households towards undue risk in holding gold, stocks, or junk bonds. I think if one were to take time to read all of Mr. Angell's remarks, it would become evident that Mr. Angell's idea was to restore the Saver's faith in the dollar by paying a higher rate of interest, which would in return effect the gold price as people will invest in the safety of T-Bills instead.
Regardless as to how one might interpret Mr. Angell's remarks, it is undeniable as to how Mr. Angell said gold prices are affected; it is the Fed Funds Rate that determines the price of gold.
In Mr. Speck's essay "Price anomalies in the gold market", it is his claim that the Fed began manipulating the gold price one month after the July '93 meeting. Knowing that the only way the Fed can affect gold prices is by raising or lowering interest rates, one would expect that the Fed would have had to begin making some move in interest rates on or around the date gold prices began to fall. August 5, 1993 is the day prices began to fall but as you can see by scrolling down in this link, Fed Funds Rate there was no move to increase rates in August ‘93 or any other month in 1993. In fact the Fed Funds Rate did not begin to rise until February 1994 and even then it was not until 3 years later that an average rate near 5.25% (2-1/4 % points higher than that of 1993) had any effect on gold prices at all.
The cause of concern for all of Mr. Speck's essays involving gold price manipulation is the fact that he consistently refers back to a time and set of remarks that are easily explained away. As we shall see, it has been the practice of many Commentators to take a sentence or statement completely out of context and use it to further their claims of manipulation.
Below is a list of supposed confessions by various Bankers and Barrick Gold as suggested by GATA Secretary Chris Powell.
1) Alan Greenspan confessed to the gold price suppression scheme while he was chairman of the Federal Reserve. He gave his famous testimony to Congress on July 24, 1998: "Central banks stand ready to lease gold in increasing quantities should the price rise." -- Testimony of Chairman Alan Greenspan
The statement, "Central banks stand ready to lease gold in increasing quantities should the price rise." is taken completely out of context and left to stand on its own. A quick read of the entire testimony reveals that Mr. Greenspan was discussing the possible need to regulate OTC derivatives. Before discussing the gold market, Mr. Greenspan had been pointing out how hard it has become to manipulate large markets such as oil. He noted that the OTC derivatives markets need no similar regulation to that of some commodities as the supply of financial instruments are virtually unlimited and therefore not subject to easy manipulation. When discussing the gold market, Mr. Greenspan was clearly using it as an example to describe the difficulties one would have in manipulating the gold price higher.
He said; "There is a significant business in oil-based derivatives, for example. But unlike farm crops, especially near the end of a crop season, private counterparties in oil contracts have virtually no ability to restrict the worldwide supply of this commodity. (Even OPEC has been less than successful over the years.) Nor can private counterparties restrict supplies of gold, another commodity whose derivatives are often traded over-the-counter, where central banks stand ready to lease gold in increasing quantities should the price rise." It is reasonable to me, to think Central banks would stand ready to lease gold at higher prices in an effort to gain a higher rate of return. Central Banks lease gold to gain a return on the asset, gold at $400 has a higher rate of return than gold at $300.
2) "The European Central Bank confessed to the gold price suppression scheme when it entered the Washington Agreement on Gold on September 26, 1999. The bank's members acknowledged that they had gotten together to regulate the gold price through gold sales and leasing:"
Nowhere in the link Mr. Powell provides, ECB: Joint statement on gold do any of the Member Banks make such a confession as to price suppression in the gold market nor is it stated in any way the intent of the Washington Agreement was to regulate gold prices.
3) Barrick Gold confessed to the gold price suppression scheme in U.S. District Court in New Orleans on February 28, 2003, when it filed a motion to dismiss Blanchard & Co.'s anti-trust lawsuit charging that Barrick was doing exactly what its motion admitted. The motion said that in borrowing gold from central banks and selling it, Barrick had become the agent of the central banks in the gold market:
http://www.lemetropolecafe.com/img2003/memoformotiontodis.pdf Again, reading the entire Court transcript reveals that Barrick Gold made no such confession as to it's involvement in a gold price suppression scheme. What Barrick Gold's Lawyers did do was use the Plaintiff's (Blanchard & Company) allegations, word for word, as a means to show they did not properly adjoin all parties that would have been involved in the alleged scheme. Not once did Barrick's Lawyers confess to or legitimize any of Blanchard's claims against Barrick gold.
4) "The Reserve Bank of Australia confessed to the gold price suppression scheme in its annual report for 2003."Foreign currency reserve assets and gold, "the RBA's report said, "are held primarily to support intervention in the foreign exchange market. In investing these assets, priority is therefore given to liquidity and security, in order to ensure that the assets are always available for their intended policy purposes." http://www.rba.gov.au/PublicationsAndResearch/RBAAnnualReports/2003/Pdf/operat ions_financial_markets.pdf
The above excerpt is yet another attempt to take statements out of context. The statement is as plain as day, "the reserves are held primarily to support intervention in the foreign exchange market"….not the gold market. Just as well, the RBA goes on to lend a little support to the reason for which "central banks stand ready to lease gold in increasing quantities should the price rise."
Higher gold prices cause higher returns on the gold lease.
The RBA continued to lend gold, a program that has been in place for over a decade now. However, interest rates on gold loans fell sharply over 2002/03. The average rate on one-year loans in 2002/03 was around 0.5 per cent, compared with 1.2 per cent in the previous year. Returns from gold lending were, however, cushioned to some extent by the decision in early 2002 to lengthen the average term-to-maturity of gold loans, as this locked in those earlier higher rates.The return for the year was $19 million, down only marginally from the previous year.
Taking into account the increase in the price of gold and the interest on gold loans, the total return on gold assets in 2002/03 (measured in SDRs) was 3.4 per cent, compared with 13 per cent in the previous year.The return in the latest year was below that suggested by the increase in the US dollar price of gold owing to the depreciation of the US dollar against most major currencies. While the gold price has risen in US dollar terms over the past couple of years, it has been fairly steady when measured, for example, in euros.
5) Last is a recent find a GATA supporter sent in to Mr. Powell concerning a statement made by Mr. William R White of the Bank for International Settlements.
And now the Bank for International Settlements (BIS}, the central bank of the central banks, has confessed to the gold price suppression scheme.
The confession of the BIS came last June in a fairly candid speech by the head of the bank's monetary and economic department, William R. White, to central bankers and academics gathered at the BIS' fourth annual conference, held in Basel, Switzerland.
The speech was provided to GATA this week.
White's speech was titled "Past and Future of Central Bank Cooperation" and he said in part:
"The intermediate objectives of central bank cooperation are more varied.
"First, better joint decisions, in the relatively rare circumstances where such coordinated action is called for.
"Second, a clear understanding of the policy issues as they affect central banks. Hopefully this would reflect common beliefs, but even a clear understanding of differences of views can sometimes be useful.
"Third, the development of robust and effective networks of contacts.
"Fourth, the efficient international dissemination of both ideas and information that can improve national policy making.
"And last, the provision of international credits and joint efforts to influence asset prices (especially gold and foreign exchange) in circumstances where this might be thought useful."
Mr. Powell somehow takes the last sentence above and comes up with this conclusion; That is, central banks collaborate -- and since they do so in secret, it may be said that they conspire -- to rig the gold and currency markets.
To use White's word, the central banks collaborate "especially" to rig the gold and currency markets.
It is quite a leap to end up with such a conclusion in my opinion but before we see Mr. White's explanation of the statement, I think it is very important that one look at the title of the paper, so read carefully please and note that it is clearly expressed "Past and Future"
Past and future of central bank Cooperation: policy panel Discussion
Now that it is clear as to the time frames in question, let's read Mr. William R White's response to the notion that he had "confessed that the BIS was conspiring to suppress gold prices."
The following is a letter written to me by Mr. William R White. It is his personal response to a letter in which I asked that he explain what he meant when he said;
"And last, the provision of international credits and joint efforts to influence asset prices (especially gold and foreign exchange) in circumstances where this might be thought useful."
Dear Mr Taylor,
Thank you for your email of 15 March. Against the backdrop of Professor Gianni Toniolo's book, "Central Bank Cooperation at the Bank for International Settlements, 1930-973" (published around the same time as the Conference), I was referring to past efforts at international central bank cooperation in the field of banking and finance. In this regard, I was thinking specifically of the numerous bridge loans (generally in anticipation of subsequent IMF funding) arranged for emerging market countries in recent decades, multi-lateral foreign exchange intervention at various times, and the operations of the "gold pool" in the 1960s. More recently on the gold front, I was thinking of the Washington Agreement of 1999 (recently renewed) among European central banks. The purpose of this Agreement was to put precise and publicly announced limits on the extent to which central banks (and the BIS) might sell (or lease) their significant holdings of gold.
I hope this is helpful. You might also want to look at the BIS website (www.bis.org) where the papers presented at last June's Conference have just been published as Working Papers: http://www.bis.org/dcms/fl.jsp?aid=3&pmdid=5&smdid=26&tmdid=0&fmdid=0&d t id=1&y=now. In particular, WP 197 (Borio and Toniolo) provides more detail on some of these financial operations.
Yours faithfully
William R White
Economic Adviser & Head of MED
Monetary and Economic Department
Bank for International Settlements
Centralbahnplatz 2
4002 Basel
Switzerland
So there you have it, there was no confession to be found in any of Mr. Speck's or Mr. Powell's one-liners taken out of context. What I see is one reckless attempt after another to affirm a wild theory that has no basis in truth. As we shall see in part 4 of The Phantom Cartel, the one-liners are becoming pure conjecture and many are quite admittedly, rumor.
Mark Taylor aka Zorro
dowtheoryproject.com
http://www.safehaven.com/article-4901.htm
The Phantom Cartel Part II
by Mark Taylor
March 11, 2006
In part one of The Phantom Cartel; we discussed the possibility of manipulation within the gold market. An in-depth look at the historical Commitment of Traders reports conclusively revealed that there had been no suppression of prices in the gold market during the timeframe discussed. It became evident that the rise and fall in prices from March 1993 through October 1993 was a matter of speculative behavior on the part of both the Non-commercial and Non-Reportable Traders in the COMEX gold market. As these two groups of Traders accumulated a record-breaking level of long positions, the Commercial Traders seemed fearless in their willingness to take on an ever increasing number of short positions. It has been suggested by many that amassing these extensive short positions eventually serves as a mechanism to cause a decline in prices. At the same time, these same Commentators insist that the short positions will also lead to what is commonly referred to as a short squeeze. It is absurd to conclude that such an unbalanced stance in a market could have two opposite effects.
To understand the reasoning behind a continued build-up of short positions as prices rise to ever higher levels, one must first properly define who the Commercials are. As expressed by the CFTC, a Commercial is "an entity involved in the production, processing, or merchandizing of a commodity". To be listed as a Commercial it is required that the Commercial be "engaged in business activities hedged by the use of the futures or option markets." It is therefore extremely important that one realize these Entities are in fact, Commercial Hedgers that are "taking a position in a futures market opposite to a position held in the cash market to minimize the risk of financial loss from an adverse price change; or a purchase or sale of futures as a temporary substitute for a cash transaction that will occur later."
There are two ways to hedge price risk, one can hedge either a long cash market position (e.g., one owns the cash commodity) or a short cash market position (e.g., one plans on buying the cash commodity in the future). Hedging a long cash position is accomplished by selling short the market while hedging a short cash position is achieved by holding long positions at COMEX.
An example of a Producer's selling hedge is as follows; ABC Mining operates an open pit mine from which it extracts gold ore. The company produces 10,000 ounces of gold each month at their site. Today gold is selling at a 15 year high of $500 per ounce. ABC has determined the new high in prices is an excellent price at which to sell. ABC would like to secure the new selling price for 6 months of gold production or 60,000 ounces. The objective is to guarantee ABC will have a gross income of $30,000,000 by the end of the 2nd quarter. On January 10th, ABC determines that January and February's production will be available for delivery during the current active (February) contract. ABC immediately sells short the COMEX market 200 contracts or 20,000 ounces. They then sell 400 contracts (40,000 ounces) in the June contract. There are two possible scenarios; Assume by the time they are to sell the first two month's production, gold is selling for $450. The physical sale of 20,000 ounces at $450 nets a sale price of $9,000,000, however with the COMEX selling hedge; ABC has a gain in that market as well. The short sell has produced a $50 per ounce profit to net a gain of $1,000,000. The total net gain between both the physical and COMEX market is $10,000,000.
The second scenario would be that gold prices have risen during the period to $550. The outcome is the same as scenario number one; ABC sells its 20,000 ounces into the market at $550 per ounce, for a net gain of $11,000,000. In the COMEX market, ABC has suffered a loss on its short position of $50 an ounce or $1,000,000, the total gain is $10,000,000.
The end result for the sales in June will be the same, regardless of prevailing market prices; ABC will have a net gain of $20,000,000 with the combined sale of physical gold and the loss or gain in the COMEX market. The total from the February and June sales will be $30,000,000, just as estimated on January 10th.
Understanding this age old principle is an absolute must when one takes notice of an ever increasing Commercial short position in the COMEX gold market. As mentioned, these Commercial short positions are accumulated as prices are rising in the gold market. Our fictitious Mining Company will provide us with more information on the subject. When ABC Mining realized that gold prices were in a steady uptrend back in January, they decided to increase production by 20 percent. By March when gold prices increased to $550, ABC had estimated their increased production would amount to an additional 12,000 ounces by the end of June. They immediately take on an additional 120 short positions at $550 in the June contract. They have thereby locked in the price regardless whether prices rise or fall. This is an example as to why Commercial short positions increase as prices rise.
ABC Mining is not the only Mining Company on the planet nor are they alone in the proper utilization of the Seller's hedge. All Sellers of gold be they Producer, Processor, or Merchandiser, must lock in rising prices in an effort to be competitive and increase profit potential. It is no less important that the hedge be exercised to avoid the risk of falling prices.
This returns us to the assertion that the Commercials are suppressing the price of gold. If it were the intent to cause gold prices to fall, why do the Commercials use the Seller's hedge to lock in higher prices? As prices rise ever higher, why do they lock in again and again? It would serve them much better if they were to sell into a declining market and continually lock in lower prices. This however has not been the case at any time since the alleged price suppression began. Certainly the suppression of prices did not commence in August, 1993 so we must now consider the group that insists it all started in 1996.
In part 3 of The Phantom Cartel, we will investigate many price levels at which price intervention supposedly occurred. We will also look into several specific comments commonly repeated to reinforce the conspiracy theory of manipulation.
Mark Taylor aka Zorro
dowtheoryproject.com
http://www.safehaven.com/showarticle.cfm?id=4755
The Phantom Cartel Part I
by Mark Taylor
February 26, 2006
The suppression of gold prices began when? I read one story that it began in August 1993 with an anomalous occurrence in prices. Another article claims the price suppression began in early 1996 in response to prices rising above $400. To advance this theory there must be an identified perpetrator. Central Banks, Bullion Banks, and various Commercial Traders operating out of the COMEX gold market are accused of this alleged manipulation and suppression. I say operating out of COMEX because every time gold suffers an intraday loss of $5-10, the conspiracy theorists yell "the Commercials are at it again". I don't know how many times I've read how blatant their operations have been in the COMEX market over the past few years.
Fortunately the CFTC keeps a very in-depth record of all traders in the futures markets and categorizes them. The categories are as follows; Non-Commercial, Commercial, and Non-Reportable. The two that most heavily influence the market are the Non- Commercial and Commercial participants. However as this study moves forward, we will see that the Non-Reportable Traders play a significant role in price movements as well. The CTFC has documented the positions held by all market participants since the beginning of 1986. The complete record can be found at the following website Historical Commitments of Traders Reports by Year and can be easily downloaded. These records, and a long term gold chart (this type of chart works best because of the price scrolling feature) Barchart.com - Charts - GCY0 GOLD Cash COMEX will be needed to verify many of the comments I make in this study.
We will begin with the claim that the price suppression began in 1993. The particular study that I refer to proposes that price anomalies occurred on 5/1-5/3 in 2004. Simply stated, the selling occurred at the same time each day and that was the reason to suspect manipulation. It was then proposed (by using a given set of intraday prices) that the price suppression could be pin pointed to an exact day of commencement, August 5, 1993. It was also concluded that the price suppression was, and continues to be concentrated in the COMEX market.
As mentioned earlier, it is without question (among all conspiracy theorists) that this manipulation of prices is being conducted from within the group of market participants known as the Commercials. With this in mind, we will go back in time ourselves and see what really happened in 1993 and what group or groups of traders caused it.
We will need to look at the COT data from 3/19/93- 10/19/93 and a long term chart of gold. Before beginning, I would suggest that the historical COT data be viewed in Excel as it is easier to read. It is important that the data we look at is separated properly so I will lead you to the statistics in question. In Excel format, vertical line H = Total Open Interest, I=Non-Commercial long positions, J=Non-Commercial short positions, K=Non- Commercial spreading, L=Commercial long positions, M=Commercial short positions, N=Total Reportable (Non-Commercial and Commercial combined) Short positions, O=Total Reportable long positions, P=Non-Reportable (Small traders) long positions, and finally, Q=Non-Reportable short positions.
The reason we want to look at data from March 1993-October 1993 is because that is when the rise in prices from a trough low began, a peak in prices occurred, and another trough low was found. Before we look at the data in question, let's see what was going on prior to this time. Looking at the Non-Commercial positions, it is clear during the 27 weeks leading up to the March '93 low, Non-Commercial traders were net short sellers of gold. On the other hand, the Commercials were net long buyers of gold. Suddenly during the COT reporting period of 3/16/93 (which coincides with the rise in prices) the Non- Commercials began to go long and buy gold, by the end of the next week they were net long buyers. They continued to be buyers until the 8/3/93 reporting period when they had added an astounding 77,066 long contracts their previous low of just 5,010 long contracts in March. The Small Traders were doing the same thing; they had added an incredible 50,171 long contracts. That is the anomaly, two separate groups in a market adding 127,237 long contracts to what was a net short position just 21 weeks earlier. It was this move from being net short to becoming record breaking long buyers that drove the price up from $326 to $409. The peak in prices did occur at the same time the Non- Commercial and Small traders had stopped buying. All the while, the Commercials were simply accommodating the buying by offering to sell physical gold. They moved from being net long purchasers of gold to being massive sellers. The old buy low and sell high trick? How dare they?
Now we have reached the pinnacle in buying and the coinciding price appreciation of the reporting period 8/3/93. During the next COT reporting period (8/10/93) prices began to fall sharply and it is in this reporting period, which the supposed suppression of prices began. The Commercials were to have caused this price decline, but how could they have? In order for them to change the trend, they would have had to do just the opposite of what they had been doing. Since they were massive sellers of gold for 21 weeks, the opposite play would to become massive buyers. This however would have driven prices even higher. With their massive short positions, the only thing they could have possibly done was to begin covering those positions, but this move results in what is called a short squeeze, which also causes prices to rise. The Commercials are running out of options here but there is a couple left. One is to continue adding to their short positions and sell more gold; the other is to convince the small segment of Commercial longs to sell out of their positions. The COT data from 8/10/93 argues conclusively that neither was the case. The fact is, in less than 5 days, the Commercials decreased their short positions by 34,132 contracts and increased their long positions by 14,554 contracts. Hey wait a minute; they increased their long positions by 14,554 contracts? We'll get back to this a little later. Ok, we'll have to look elsewhere to find the culprits behind the price decrease that occurred. Since there are only two other groups in the market this won't take long at all. The COT data is incontrovertible; the reversal of price trend was caused by a massive move to sell out of long positions held by both the Non-Commercial and Small traders. During the reporting period of 8/10/93 the Non-Commercial traders dumped 26,351 long contracts while the Small Traders ran from 18,915 of their long contracts. That is 45,266 long positions liquidated in less than five days. The COT data from 8/10/93-10/5/93 also reveals that it was the same two groups of traders that continued to liquidate long positions. By the time these traders were finished selling, (nine weeks later) they had liquidated 88, 322 long positions.
It can only be concluded that the entire price move from $326 to $409 was a direct result of massive speculative buying on the part two groups of traders. The quick fall in prices from $409 to $341 was just as well, a result of these traders' actions in that they reversed their operations to the sell side in a historically rapid manner.
We are not quite finished here; remember when the Commercials were supposed to make their move in an effort to crash the price of gold? If that were their intent, why did they start buying into long positions the very week that the price began to fall. As a matter of record, they did a lot of buying when they should have been selling if they wanted lower prices. While the price of gold fell for six weeks, the Commercials added 43,016 long contracts while trimming 52,157 short contracts. I don't know about you, but if it were my intent to cause gold prices to fall, I sure wouldn't go into the market and buy 4,301,600 ounces of gold while the price is falling. I also would not have accumulated such a large short position in the first place knowing that a short squeeze would cause the price to rise even higher.
So why do the Commercials take on such massive short positions knowing that an exit from those positions will either cause higher prices or help to put a floor under a falling price? The answer will be found in part 2 of The Phantom Cartel.
Mark Taylor aka Zorro
dowtheoryproject.com
http://www.safehaven.com/showarticle.cfm?id=4679
Is the US following Japan's Path?
by Steve Saville
April 04, 2006
Below is an extract from a commentary originally posted at www.speculative-investor.com on 30th March 2006.
Those who argue that the US cannot avoid a deflationary outcome will often support their case by pointing to the experience of Japan during the 1990s. The Japanese monetary authorities, so the story goes, were unable to prevent the slide into deflation despite their concerted efforts to promote inflation.
The first thing we'll note is that Japan didn't actually experience deflation during the 1990s. The following chart shows that although Japan's year-over-year M2 growth rate plummeted following the bursting of the stock market bubble, apart from a slight dip below zero during the second half of 1992 the money supply continued to expand (albeit at a very slow rate). Since deflation is a contraction in the total supply of money it therefore doesn't make sense to cite the Japanese experience of the 1990s as an example of how deflation cannot be voided once a credit-induced asset price bubble bursts. It is true, however, that over the past 50 years Japan has come closer to genuine deflation than any other major economy.
Japan is actually a good example of how deflation CAN be avoided under the current monetary system even in the face of collapsing stock and real estate bubbles. However, it's one thing to avoid outright deflation and another thing entirely to keep inflation going at the rate desired by the authorities. Using the above chart it could be argued, for instance, that the Bank of Japan (BOJ) might have avoided deflation but it proved to be incapable of generating any significant inflation after the boom turned into a bust.
Our view is that the BOJ and Japan's Ministry of Finance had the power to do a lot more to promote inflation than they actually did. For example, throughout the 1990s the Japanese banking system laboured under the weight of massive non-performing loans. Had this non-performing loan crisis been 'handled' in the same way that the "Savings and Loan Crisis" of the 1980s was handled in the US, that is, had there been some form of government bail-out of the banks using newly-printed Yen, Japan's inflation rate would have been considerably higher.
The Japanese monetary authorities were, we think, hamstrung by the incredibly high savings rate of the voting public. To be specific, when a large chunk of the public's savings are held in the form of cash and income-producing securities a monetary policy that significantly lowers the value of the currency will probably not be popular, especially when it is clear that the currency is being devalued as part of a plan to 'paper over' the lending mistakes of large banks.
The US Federal Reserve obviously isn't operating under the same political constraints as the BOJ because the average member of the US voting public has very little savings and is up to his/her eyeballs in debt. Also, there might have been a better chance of the US following Japan's path if Japan had never followed this path in the first place. That is, the Fed has fewer restrictions on its ability to inflate as well as the luxury of being able to learn from the BOJ's post-bubble experiences.
At this point it's important to note two things. First, although people with lots of debt and no savings will generally prefer inflation, keeping the voting public happy between now and the next election is not the only, or even the main, reason why more inflation is in store for the US over the next several years. The main reason is simply that the current system could not survive a period of deflation. It's a giant Ponzi Scheme, which means that the supply of money MUST continue to expand or the system will collapse. Second, inflation doesn't make anything better. It can create the illusion of prosperity for a while, but the misdirection of investment that it causes always leads to slower real growth (which, ironically, provides the excuse for the central bank to facilitate more inflation).
Lastly, we find it both interesting and strange that the "Fed won't be able to stop deflation in the US for the same reasons that the BOJ couldn't stop it in Japan" argument continues to pop up even though there is now a lot of empirical evidence that the US is following a very different path to the one followed by Japan during the 1990s. In particular, whereas the money-supply growth rate in Japan 'fell off a cliff' shortly after the bursting of the stock market bubble, in the US the year-over-year M2 growth rate rocketed to a 20-year high during the first two post-bubble years and averaged around 7%/year during the first four post-bubble years (refer to the following chart for details). The rate of monetary growth has subsequently slowed, but only because the Fed has taken its foot off the monetary gas pedal in response to the resounding success of its preceding efforts to inflate.
Steve Saville
Hong Kong
Regular financial market forecasts and analyses are provided at our web site: http://www.speculative-investor.com/new/index.html.
http://www.safehaven.com/article-4908.htm
Existential Equity Extraction and Six Months to Housing Hell
by Richard Benson
April 04, 2006
For the past decade, homeowners in the United States have been living in "Housing Heaven". In this heavenly place, profits are always made; prices only go up; interest rates only go down; developers keep building, marketing, and selling megabuck, luxurious spa-like residences, that are all sold pre-construction; property speculators always make money, and pyramid their purchases into owning many properties to flip for a quick profit; and, second-homes are not an expensive luxury, but a wise investment for retirement.
If you really needed to make ends meet while living in this so-called Housing Heaven, all you had to do was buy a vacation home, rental property, or second-home and proceed to "install your own ATM on the side of your financed house" with your bank's help, of course. Who needs to work, when you can simply go to the bank and rob your own house? It's easier than robbing the bank! Living this way is fine in Housing Heaven, but not down here on earth. Here's why.
Consumer debt is up to $2 trillion (not including $440 billion of revolving home equity loans and $600 billion of second mortgages). Not only do consumers owe a whopping $9 trillion in mortgage debt, but home equity extraction has reached $600 billion annually. Homeowners have basically received, and spent, in excess of $2 trillion that they never earned. (Just take a look at the increase in total mortgage debt in the Federal Reserve's Flow of Funds Data since 2000).
Below are some of the reasons why many property owners are about to descend into "Housing Hell":
• When housing prices are flat or falling, there is no Angel, Tooth Fairy, Easter Bunny or Santa Claus you can call, to refill the ATM machine when it runs out of cash;
• Home equity can suddenly shift from a market reality to a purely existential concept. The homeowner is now engaged in an "Existential Equity Extraction" or "EEE". An example of this in today's world is when a home, with equity taken out, is routinely appraised for a mortgage refinancing at 5 to 10 percent higher than it would be appraised for an actual sale;
• Home prices are under horrible pressure. There are probably a few million property owners, including speculators, flippers, and second-home buyers, who are in way over their heads. We've all heard stories about second-home buyers who really couldn't afford the luxury and high expense of a second-home priced at $200,000, yet they purchased one for $250,000 and rationalized its affordability because "the value would only go up to $300,000 or more". Besides, they naively believed "it could always be sold quickly in a bidding war for a profit". In resort areas - given the number of days people actually use their second home - staying at the Ritz for $500 a night could be a much better deal. Do the math; it's not pretty.
• Demand for over-priced housing is slowing and new buyers are taking their time, being picky, and even renting. Homeownership, as a percentage of the population, is already at a record-high. This level was achieved by using every trick in the mortgage lending book, regardless of income or down payment. Virtually every borrower was approved for a loan of some kind. Fifty percent of mortgages written over the last two years have been adjustable-rate mortgages (ARMs) and many buyers qualified for a mortgage because of the low teaser rates. In addition, sub-prime mortgage lending has reached $700 billion, or 12 percent of total mortgages. As interest rates adjust up, housing prices are forced down.
Given these statistics, it should be no surprise that the affordability index for the first time buyer is at a 20-year low, or that the University of Michigan's Home Buying Index is approaching an all-time low. In the housing crash of 1991, that index low was set once the housing price crash was well underway and more than a year old!
• Speculative buyers have stopped buying and many potential buyers are canceling orders and leaving deposits on the table.
• In many states, property insurance is up 25 to 30 percent, right up there with soaring heating and air-conditioning costs.
• The record rise in home prices has helped balance state budgets, but at the expense of property owners who are not capped on their real estate taxes. The Alternative Minimum Tax is also emptying homeowner's checking accounts!
• $2 trillion of ARMs were written in 2004 and '05 and are scheduled to reset in 2006 and '07 to much higher market interest rates, making them much less affordable.
• On the supply side for housing, sheer panic is beginning. As home buyers cancel orders, developers are taking their deposits, slashing prices 10 to 20 percent, and offering incentives such as free furnishings, granite countertop upgrades, wall-mounted TV's, closing costs, etc. In specific home developments and condominium complexes, price reductions of $40,000 to $100,000 are not unheard of.
Despite these new tactics, last month new home sales still dropped 10 percent and the supply of new homes for sale hit a new high of 550,000, nearly a seven-month supply. (The nationwide supply of existing homes for sale is up 40 percent over last year.) Adding insult to injury, new housing starts are holding up! This is about as silly as GM and Ford running their factories full tilt when it is clear no one is buying cars. As the supply piles up, the buyers take a vacation.
• Housing prices in active real estate markets have gone up so much that the costs associated with owning vs. renting make renting a far more attractive choice now. The situation is, of course, extraordinary. The flip side of this is household real estate assets that are rising as a percentage of GDP. In 1997, the percentage was 105%; today, it's 150%. The degree to which owning is so much more expensive than renting is the true measure of the extent of the housing price bubble.
So, welcome to Housing Hell. Now that buyers are willing to wait one or more years before buying, there are more sellers than buyers. Interest rates, in the meantime, continue going up. Let's also not forget the Existential Equity Extraction. With $700 billion of sub-prime mortgages written (of which 10 percent could default), $2 Trillion of ARMs set to reset, and mortgage delinquencies near 5 percent, equity to extract is vanishing.
As the refinancing game ends and borrowing costs increase, a significant rise in foreclosures could put a few million more homes back on the already-saturated market! When these foreclosures come, many of the homes for sale will have no equity and the seller will want a quick sale. Buyers will still be choosey, unless there is a real deal and the prices are marked down big time. The entire structure of housing prices will move lower with these forced sales. With mortgage foreclosures mounting up, it could get unbearably hot in Housing Hell.
Our estimate is it will take about six months for sellers - particularly speculators who never intended to live in their properties but whose sole intention was to "flip" them for a profit - to realize they are toast.
Over the past 30 years, the United States has seen a Housing Hell scenario a number of times. In 1980-82, property values declined significantly each year. In '90, prices fell painfully again for five straight years in a row. There was a slight recovery in '95, but prices fell again in '96. When you look back, you will realize that the housing markets that suffered the most (particularly the Northeast and California), took almost 10 years to recover from the downturn. You may also remember when homeowners lost money every month and were forced to rent out their properties at a loss because they couldn't sell them. Perhaps you know one of these homeowners.
Based on the logic of history, those who rent for a few years, rather than buy, will be rewarded the most (even though rents should increase with general inflation). Yes, the day will come again when it will, indeed, cost less to buy than it does to rent. When that day comes, it will signify the return, once again, of Housing Heaven.
Richard Benson
Benson's Economic & Market Trends
Specialty Finance Group, LLC
http://www.safehaven.com/article-4907.ht
Weekly Wrap-up: Risk and the 4-Year Cycle
by Adam Oliensis
April 03, 2006
The following article was originally posted at The Agile Trader on Sunday, April 2, 2006.
Dear Speculators,
The Dynamic Trading System did not close any trades this past week so it has no realized gains or losses to report. The System has two open positions, which we will continue to update in our daily Morning Call and Afternoon Note.
In this space we have recently been discussing the 4-Year Cycle on the SPX. And this week I'd like to go into some detail on that cycle and why, for now, we remain bearish, though not aggressively so, for the period between now and October.
Let's start with a logarithmically scaled chart of the SPX that dates back to 1962.
* The dashed blue verticals represent the start of each 4-Year Cycle.
* The yellow highlights represent points at which the SPX had not corrected by more than -3.1% off its 3-month high for a period of 90 trading days or more.
As you can see, such periods are rare (less than 5% of the time), though we are in one such period now. In general such periods augur near-term bearish for the SPX, though there are some exceptions. Those exceptions, though, (in the early '60s and in 1995) exist historically primarily in the 1st year of the 4-Yr Cycle and exclusively in the 1st half of the cycle.
During the past 44 years there is no precedent for the market's refusing to retrench during the 4th year of the cycle, and the latest prior onset of such a retrenchment was in February of the 4th year, where we are now all the way into April of the 4th year of this cycle without having suffered one.
Note: in 1994 the SPX was able to move up +5% after going uncorrected for 90 trading days. However that 5% was subsequently sharply corrected (and then some) before the SPX launched into the great bull market of the latter '90s.
Conclusion? Though there is a low-probability "exception" scenario (ala 1994), we are likely overdue for a sell-off.
So, why doesn't it feel like it? For our long-time readers, I'd like to remind you of our discussion of the human tendency toward complacency at the statistically least opportune times, and for those of you who are new to our work...
Here's an example that illustrates the general point:
Let's say there's a statistically unlikely event that takes place 1% of the time, which is to say on 1% of the opportunities for it to happen. So, suppose, just for argument's sake, that if you go for a walk in New York City, 1% of the time you will get hit by a bus. (Obviously this is a greater chance of disaster than there is in reality, but we're just trying to understand something about how risk works, statistically speaking, over time.)
So, if you go out for a walk 1 time, you have a 99% chance of not getting hit and a 1% chance of getting squashed. But suppose you go out for 1 walk every day for 10 days. The chance that you will get hit on 1 of those occasions rises. And the way it's calculated is by figuring the odds that the LIKELY event will obtain at every single iteration and then subtracting that from 100%. The equation is:
D = 1-(1-P)^N
Where
D=cumulative percentage chance of disaster
P= Percentage Chance of disaster on each opportunity (iteration)
N=number of iterations
So, if you go out for 10 walks, your chance of getting turned into chopped meat is
1-(1-.01)^10 = 9.6%.
And if you go out for a walk every day for, say, 90 days, your chance of getting obliterated is
1-(1-.01)^90 = 59.5%.
Here's what the series looks like.
And in this scenario, if you go out for a walk every trading day of the year (about 252 times) the odds are about 92% that you will meet your demise.
But the funny thing about our human nature is that if, say, you went out for 252 walks in New York City and came back 252 times, without having had any violent encounters with city vehicles, you would assume that experience was teaching you that there was very little danger. (And indeed it might be, if you didn't already know the likelihood of getting run over.)
As human beings we are especially primed to generalize from experience (that's science) but most especially to generalize from our most recent experiences (which is less reliable science--or anecdotal evidence). So, the more walks we go on without getting pulverized the less likely we FEEL it to be that we will ever get pulverized, irrespective of what statistics might tell us. As our risk increases, statistically speaking, we feel safer and safer.
We are all familiar with the expression "tempting fate." One has to wonder if our savings-short, consumer-spending-driven, mortgaged-to-the-gills, trade-deficit-heavy, job-exporting economy isn't doing just that. That is, it's worth considering that we might be somewhere fairly far along on the curve charted above, feeling safer and safer carrying all these economic loads, but with an ever greater and greater chance developing of the incidence of one or another severe, "dislocating," and "unlikely" events.
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OK, now that our shoulders are up around our earlobes and we're all terrified of getting run over by a bus...or by the stock market... let's look at the range of likely magnitudes for what we anticipate will be a corrective period in the SPX.
For a variety of reasons we continue to expect a relatively benign 4-year low to be made in 2H06. (Our definition of benign in this context is a retrenchment of less than 20%.) And here is a weekly chart showing one set of our reasons for holding this view...there's a lot going on here, so let's dig in:
* Top Pane: SPX on a log scale.
* 2 nd Pane: PE on Forward 52-Week EPS. Prior to 1994 we use the PE on actual Forward EPS. From 1994 forward we use PE on the F52W EPS Consensus.
* 3 rd Pane: Forward 52-Week Performance of the SPX.
* Red highlights: Points at which both 1) the PE was below 15.1 (now 15.0) and 2) the lowest weekly close during the subsequent year was down 20% or more from the then-current SPX weekly close.
Let's repeat that last one just to get it straight. The red highlights appear when 2 conditions obtain simultaneously: 1) the PE is below 15.1 and 2) the SPX will suffer a weekly closing low, down 20% or more during the subsequent year.
Of the 4,134 weeks studied here 185 show red highlights. And 119 of those came by 1946. So, all told, red highlights have shown up about 4.5% of the time, and since 1946 red highlights have appeared just 2.2% of the time. (New red highlight is unlikely.)
So, unless we have a Great Depression, a World War, or Runaway Inflation (as per the fat red stripe in the middle of the chart in the mid '70s) the odds of a drop of more than 20% from current levels look pretty darn slim.
Here are some other fun facts that we discovered using this study:
* The F52W PE has been < 15.1 at 52% of weekly closes.
* When the PE is < 15.1, the market has closed higher a year later 76% of the time.
* When the PE is >=15.1 the market has closed higher a year later only 56% of the time. (PE does matter.)
As for why the correction is likely to be relatively modest by 4-Yr Cycle Low standards, let's look at some macroeconomic data.
This chart plots Q/Q Annualized Nominal Gross Domestic Product Growth (dashed purple line), the 4-Yr Average GDP Growth Rate (thick purple line), and 1 Standard Deviation from the 4-Yr Average (blue line). (The blue line represents the value of 1SD, it's not measuring 1SD from the purple line.)
What we see on this chart is that Nominal GDP is growing at a solid rate and that, after the dip in 2001 the non-volatile trend has been resumed. What's remarkable is that GDP continues to grow, that inflation remains low by recent historical standards, and that the volatility of growth remains so low as well.
The 4-year average for Nominal GDP is above 5% with 1 Standard Deviation at 1.8% (meaning that about 68% of the time GDP has come in between 6.8% and 3.2%). Strong growth, low volatility of growth, and low inflation are what make up the "Goldilocks" economy. But the question is, what has allowed for this improvement. And one answer, (over and above New Technology, Increased Productivity, REFI Cashouts, and Fiscal Stimulus) is Money Supply.
This chart shows the 13-Week Annualized Growth of M3 , the broadest measure of Money Supply (blue line), and the 50-Wk Average of that 13-Wk Growth (black line).
What stands out to me is how volatility in M3 rose sharply in the '90s, stayed high through the bear market and may now be declining. So, as the volatility of GDP has stayed low the Money Supply has been tinkered with, counter-cyclically, like "shock absorbers," increasing the volatility of M3 in order to "smooth the ride" in the GDP numbers.
At this point the trend in M3 growth is very close to its long-term median, despite the alarmist writings of perma bears. And the Fed is ceasing to publish this data (which is a damn shame)...but one can well imagine that the extreme volatility on this chart is both a) embarrassing to monetary authorities and b) very difficult to interpret in real time. So, while speculation is rampant as to why this data will now disappear from public view, its volatility suggests that the Fed has been extra-active in managing the supply of money, and perhaps susceptible to the charge of being too aggressively interventionist.
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EARNINGS AND VALUATION
We continue to be concerned with the deteriorating trend in EPS estimates. The growth rate of the F52W EPS (blue line below) has shrunk to +13.3%. And while that's still fairly robust, the 3-month annualized rate of growth of the Consensus (red line below) is down at +5.6% and leading the blue line lower.
Once that blue line drops below +10% the market is likely to struggle, as per the yellow highlighted areas on this chart.
Our Risk Adjusted Fair Value target is below the SPX price for the first time since mid '04.
We derive this target using this equation:
F52W EPS / (TNX + Med ERP)
Where
F52W EPS = Forward 52-Week EPS ($86.47)
TNX = 10-Yr Treasury Yield (4.853%)
ERP = SPX Earnings Yield - TNX (6.68% - 4.8535% = 1.83%%)
Med ERP = Median Post-9/11 ERP (1.95%)
$86.47 / (0.04853+ 0.0195) = 1271
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Summing all this up...the odds favor a correction on the SPX of more than 5% but less than 20% between now and October. Beyond that, it would appear likely that the index will make a higher high by the spring of '07, if not before.
In our daily issue of the Morning Call we'll examine the technical charts on the leading and lagging indices this coming week, as we seek confirmations and divergences on the major market indices. If you'd like a free, no risk 1-month trial to our daily work, please join us at The Agile Trader. And if you're interested in auto-trading futures based on our Dynamic Trading System (model portfolio has netted +393% in realized position gains since July '05), click on The Agile Trader Index Futures Service to read more about our service and to subscribe.
Best regards and good trading!
Adam Oliensis,
Editor The Agile Trader
http://www.safehaven.com/article-4903.htm
Experience
by Joe Ross - Jan 16, 2006
Throughout our course on futures trading, we have tried to point out to you that there is a great difference between having an investor attitude and being a trader. There are also many similarities. In one sense, a trader is someone who invests in his own trading ability. Therefore, in that sense trading is investing. Trading and investing are interrelated. You come to realize this through experience.
For the most part, the trading approach comes from a much shorter- term mindset than the mindset of an investor. It can also be much more based on technical information than on fundamental information. But here again we find a dilemma. What exactly is technical information? What exactly is fundamental information? Where do the two overlap, or do they? Are they interrelated? Sure they are. But again, it is through experience that you learn about and develop an appreciation for these concepts.
Technical vs. Fundamental??
As futures traders, we get to hear some pretty weird things, and also as writers, and teachers in the business of educating people about futures trading . One of the strangest things we get to hear is when people try to separate trading into either technical or fundamental. Why, oh why, does everything have to be put into a box? Would someone please explain how to separate one from the other? Is it possible, or is there some middle ground that cannot be classified as either technical or fundamental?
For example, how do you classify trading from news stories? Surely you would not call news stories fundamental information, would you? A friend of ours tells about a time in January when he heard a commentator on CNBC explain that the price of coffee had gone up because of a freeze in Brazil. The only thing wrong with the story was that January is the middle of summer in that country. Was the news worthy of the name fundamentals?
What about seasonal trades? Are they technical or fundamental? Certainly they are not based upon hard facts. Who knows if tomorrow will bring a season like the last? Who knows that the weather will be the same this summer as it was the last?
They say enter on rumor, exit on fact. Is that technical or fundamental? Or is it just plain good old common sense?
This article is about experience, but here’s the catch: You must survive as a trader long enough to gain experience. Experience will show you that trading cannot be placed into a box. Experience will bring you to the realization that some of the best trades you will ever make come from experience, gut feelings, and good old common sense. Experience will demonstrate to you that many great trades are derived by paying attention and learning to be an opportunist. Experience will bring you to the point where you will take a smattering of what others may call “fundamentals” along with a pinch of what some call “technical analysis,” and combine them with a spoonful of know-how to succeed in making your living in the markets.
Fundamentals
Our understanding is that fundamentals deal with known facts and published or unpublished information about the underlying commodity or instrument you wish to trade. Because statistics lie, governments knowingly lie with statistics, or at times do so unwittingly, those who can afford it and also have a need, spend tons of money doing their own research in order to come up with their own body of fundamental knowledge. This includes gathering information and statistics on anything imaginable that might affect the underlying. They research production, marketing, crop conditions, financial conditions, etc.; everything they can find out about the underlying. They may even make in-person visits to farms, mines, or financial institutions for discussions about the underlying. They then combine this knowledge with what they find believable as handed down by various reporting agencies.
Even with live data, it is not economic to compete with these behemoths with regard to the amount of fundamental knowledge they can afford and are able to gather.
Technicals
Technical analysis in its purest form assumes that everything known about the markets that affect the markets can be seen on a price chart. We believe that to be true. But that’s where reality and the kind of technical analysis we see today part company. What we mean is, in general what do technical indicators show you that you can't normally see with your two eyes via pure chart reading and analysis? Admittedly there are a few things. We have never denied that an indicator like Bollinger Bands can show you the location of 2 standard deviations. We cannot visually know where that amount of deviation from price would be without the bands. But most technical indicators wipe away the very things we do want to see. They take your focus away from what is truly happening to price.
By smoothing, they purport to remove “noise.” But it is the noise that we, as traders, and especially as day traders, most want to see. The noise is what tells us the reality of what is going on.
Realities
Fundamentals, in the purest sense, are beyond what the individual trader can deal with. Most individual traders simply don’t have the time to conduct the required research. But that doesn’t mean they cannot use this information should the happen to stumble across it. Technicals in the purest sense are fine, but the way they have been bastardized into virtually meaningless indicators makes no sense. The ultimate foolishness of technical indicators is that of rendering them as mechanical trading systems. Employing mechanical systems represents the height of the undisciplined mind. It is tantamount to conceding that because you do not have the discipline to exercise self-control, you will undergo the harsh discipline enforced on you by an uncaring, unfeeling machine. While you try to escape from self-disciplined trading, mechanical systems force an even more horrible discipline upon you in that you now have to sit and grit your teeth due to the pain brought on yourself because of the mechanical aspect of the system. Mechanical trading is not without discipline, rather it places the discipline onto the wrong part of the trade. Instead of placing the emphasis on planning, organizing, directing, and controlling the trade, it gets the trader in via a mechanical signal and then forces him to suffer through the trade in order to exercise discipline — quite often a discipline he does not understand based upon a system he does not understand, and that may have been derived entirely outside the realm of reality.
The realities of the market are many. Markets are affected by a lot of things that are not measurable by either fundamental or technical analysis. In addition to seasonality, news, rumor, weather, and common sense observation, one has to take into account the market conditions at the time at which a trade is to be entered. Is the market fast? Is the market thin? Is the tick size abnormal? Are market makers moving the market? Is it options expiration day? Is it the day before a holiday? Is an important dignitary going to make a speech? Has the market gone into a state of hysteria, or even euphoria? Are you going to buy or are you going to sell? It is the summation, organization, and perception of these and even other criteria that constitute the realities of trading.
Reality Trading
We are convinced that the best way to trade should be termed “Reality Trading™.” In fact, we are so convinced that we have trade marked the name for future use. Reality Trading views the market as an entire entity, a living, throbbing reality that includes fundamentals, technicals, and realities such as news, rumors, seasonal tendencies, common sense observations, and market conditions.
Let’s look at a possible trade that is based upon realities. Let’s say that this is a trade that has been good most years in the last 15 years. Let’s say that the trade is to buy March wheat between September and December of the current year.
First we look to see if March wheat futures are behaving normally. What does the March wheat futures chart need to look like if this trade is going to work?
We begin watching March wheat futures in the first week of September, for possible entry between that time and the last week in November. We’re not particularly interested in what the March wheat futures look like prior to September, but according to past seasonal patterns, they should not end September in a down trend. The normal pattern for wheat futures at that time of year is that wheat prices begin to rise or at the very least remain flat. Falling prices would indicate an over supply of wheat. The rising or flatness may have begun earlier, or it may begin later, but not by the end of September. The main thing we don’t want to see is wheat prices falling after September. If wheat prices are falling in the time period mentioned above, then we do not have a normal year for these futures and we want to avoid this trade. No one knows for sure what weather conditions will be between the first week in September and the time the that wheat inventory figures are known. No one knows if exports will be up, down, or flat compared with the previous year. It is the seasonal anticipation that should prop up the price of the wheat futures.
Obviously, this same sort of technique could be applied to any purchasable commodity that can be expected to experience increased activity seasonally.
So, lets look at a wheat chart. We want to select the best the best possible time to enter. Experience has shown that the two best times are as follows:
* An announcement by the government between September and October that it export sales of wheat have increased materially – a buying situation
* A report showing a greater than expected inventory of wheat in September through November – a selling short situation.
At “A” we see announcements coming from government reports that demand for wheat for export is great. It is the middle of September. People rush in to purchase wheat futures. However, from the look of this chart, overall demand for wheat was not very good. Actually, the year shown was poor for wheat most of the time.
Later, beyond the time frame in which we are interested, at “B” we see that the government crop report for January was really bad for wheat. There was simply too much of it. Wheat prices began to plunge. What stopped the plunge? Anticipation of planting problems due to unusually cold weather.
http://www.trade2win.com/knowledge/articles/general_articles/experience/page1
Dr. Brett on Trading Journals -- how to make the process work for you.
In an article for the Trade2Win website that should appear shortly, I review five of the common mistakes that traders make when utilizing trading journals. My experience is that few strategies are as promising—and few so misunderstood and misused—as trading journals. Here I’d like to amplify some of my remarks in the Trade2Win article and make five suggestions for the creation and maintenance of a trading journal:
1. Make sure the journal includes observations about you and your trading and about the markets themselves. I’ve found that trader journals usually are skewed toward self-analysis and include little in the way of market observation. When I began as a trader, I printed out intraday charts of each day’s action and wrote comments on these, pointing out the patterns that I wanted to watch for in the future. After doing this for months, I sensitized myself to the point where I could see the patterns emerging in real time. The trading journal is a learning tool and a great mechanism for training your eye to see the setups you want to be trading.
2. Make sure the journal includes observations about your best trades. As I emphasized in my book, the idea is to discover the trader that you are when you’re at your best. Many traders use the journal as a means of self-criticism, and they only journal when they’re having problems in the market. Over time, you want to isolate what you’re doing when you’re making money, create a model of those success elements, and then rehearse them so that they become habits. The journal can be a tool for discovery, helping you find out what you do well.
3. Make sure the journal truly prepares you for the coming trading day. Many times journals chronicle what has happened in the past, but do not include concrete plans for the next day’s trade. If you run statistical analyses to determine if there is an edge the next day, these should be part of the journal. If there are setups that have been working in the recent market (sectors that are leading your market; intermarket relationships), these go in the journal as well. The idea, as I mentioned in the article, is to make your journal your business plan for the day.
4. Make sure the journal outlines specific steps for improvement. It is not enough to write vague generalities, such as “I need to hold my winners longer” or “I need to stick with my discipline”. Identifying specific steps you will take to hold winners (proper setting of profit targets, self-control strategies, etc.) or maintain discipline (risk management, taking breaks, etc.) makes the journal a game plan for the next day. Your journal, outlining how you’ll approach the market—and how you’ll approach yourself—each trading session will allow you to review each day and see if you met your goals. Such review is an essential step in the kind of continuous improvement that marks winners across all disciplines.
5. Make sure the journal includes performance metrics. Some of the ones I prefer are:
=> Number of long and short trades – I correlate this to the trend condition of the market to see if I’m trading with the current or against it; if I’m trading in a one-sided way in a range-bound market. The number of trades also tells me if I’m overtrading.
=> Number of winning and losing trades – When I’m trading well, I have more winning trades than losers by a reasonably healthy margin. When the ratio dips for more than a short time period, I need to re-evaluate my trading and my trading strategies.
= Time holding trades – I’m a short-term trader, and I tend to have a relatively narrow time band in which I hold trades. Moving beyond that band tells me I’m either cutting trades short or going for home runs—and neither of those have worked for me in the past.
=> Time holding losing trades versus winners – It is very hard to make money over time by holding losers. Eventually, the size of the losers becomes greater than the winners so that even a trader who has more winning trades than losers can end up in the red.
=> Profit/Loss broken down by long and short trades and broken down by market condition. This tells me if I’m trading ranges better than breakout movements; whether I’m doing better on the long side or the short side. If my performance is significantly worse in one mode than another, I start to examine my trading for needed improvements.
By now you’re probably getting the idea that the journal is a time-intensive process. That’s exactly right. Keeping a journal is the equivalent of an athlete’s practice: it’s not at all unusual to spend far more time training for an event than actually participating in it. If your journal is a hurriedly scribbled paragraph per day, the odds are good that it lacks the specifics you need to accurately assess what you’re doing well and what needs improvement. For full-time traders, trading is a business. The journal is a business plan. The right plan, executed faithfully, can be the difference between success and failure in any endeavor.
http://www.brettsteenbarger.com/Trading%20Journals%20That%20Work.doc
Dr. Brett on Trading Journals, the good and the bad.
First, the Bad:
One of the most common pieces of advice trading mentors give to their students is the keeping of a trading journal. By documenting your trading, the common wisdom holds, you can learn what you’re doing right and wrong and speed your learning curve. I happen to be quite a fan of trading journals; indeed, I made journals a mandatory part of the training program at a Chicago-based proprietary trading firm. All too many times, however, I found that the journals did not accomplish their purpose. They became rote exercises that did not get to the heart of either trading problems or solutions. So I thought in this article I’d outline the five most frequent shortcomings with journals and how these can be addressed.
1. The journal lacks specifics. Many times the journal becomes an outlet for the trader, a way of venting. While there is nothing wrong with venting per se, it is hard to see how *simply* venting in a journal can improve performance. A common entry might state, “I overtraded a slow market and broke all my rules. I know I have to take what the market gives me. Tomorrow I need to trade with more discipline”. All these things may be true, but the entry lacks specifics regarding *why* the trader overtraded; *how* the overtrading will be avoided in tomorrow’s trade; and *what steps* will be taken to return to the discipline. A journal entry that lacks specifics is a statement of good intentions; not a plan. If your journal entry does not include concrete steps that you can follow to address a problem situation, it is unlikely that it will serve as an action guide.
2. The journal emphasizes problems, not solutions. Traders love to keep journals when they’re losing and then fall off the journaling bandwagon when they’re making money. I would argue that, when you’re making money, that’s the *best* time to keep a journal. Your goal should be to replicate successful trading patterns, not simply analyze problematic ones. The ideal journals isolate what traders do when they’re trading their best, so that these solution patterns can be isolated and mentally rehearsed as part of a learning process. At their worst, journals are like bad parents who chastise their children when they’re doing something wrong, but never offer attention and praise for good behavior. Kids learn to resent such parents, and traders learn to resent problem-focused journaling.
3. The journal talks too much about the trader and not enough about the markets. Journals are a learning tool, and your ultimate goal is to learn how to trade. By focusing exclusively on your state of mind, what you did or didn’t do in the trade, etc., you lose the opportunity to identify and learn patterns that appear in the market. It’s extremely helpful to review a market day and examine what you could have noticed to alert you to a market move. Perhaps oil made a breakout move preceding a break in the equity indices; perhaps a move in the currency markets could have given you an early read on how the market would respond to Fed news. By retrospectively identifying such trading patterns, you train your mind to look for them the next time they appear.
4. The journal is reactive, not proactive. This is part of the venting phenomenon: traders will make journal entries after the market day, but rarely use the journal to actively prepare for the coming day’s trade. An ideal journal captures what you’ll be looking for in the coming day in the markets (anticipated setups) and what you’ll be working on in your own trading. Think of your trading as a business and your journal as your business plan for the day. A business plan should reflect your strengths and weaknesses and identify areas of opportunity. A business plan should also detail how you will exploit that opportunity. Learning from past performance is important, but if the learning is not reflected in future plans, it will not be reflected in actual trading outcomes.
5. The journal lacks metrics. This is perhaps the topic I am most passionate about. I have found that traders can best assess their strengths and weaknesses by keeping detailed records of their trades and by evaluating themselves across a series of performance measures. I cannot tell you how many traders I’ve encountered who don’t have the faintest notion of their average profit per trade; their average win size and loss size; their average holding period per trade; etc. It’s not that the traders don’t care about performance; it’s that they have not drilled down to the trade-by-trade level to see what they’re actually doing in the markets. Many times, traders *think* they’re trading one way, only to find out when they look at the data that they’re not trading that way at all. It’s hard to see how a trader can identify if they’re having problems trading in the morning vs. afternoon; if they’re more often right on the long side than short; or if they are trading large size differently than smaller size if the statistics are not there to be analyzed.
So what’s a trader to do? The first step is to decide whether or not you really *want* to know what you’re doing and how well you’re doing it; whether you want to put in the time and effort to identify the patterns in each trading day—the market’s and your own. To paraphrase U.S. college basketball coach Bobby Knight, many traders want to trade and many want to win, but not many are willing to put in the work it takes to be a winner. While Coach Knight has earned his share of criticism, look at the pure effort he puts into preparation for a coming game. The same intensity of effort can be found in Tour de France leaders Lance Armstrong, Ivan Basso, and Jan Ullrich, as they actively train, plan, and rehearse for each stage of the race. This is the effort required of a winner, and each trader needs to know if he or she has the fire in their belly to sustain such work.
Ultimately, the effort to win is sustained by a desire to know. Excellent traders are always keeping score: they want to know what they’ve done right or wrong, and what’s making and losing them money. They are always working on themselves and their trading. I’ve met far too many “breakeven” traders who, upon inspection, have been losing money consistently. It’s not that they’re lying; they simply don’t want to know the truth. Thus, they avoid it. It is simply too painful to look at the money and opportunities lost. Keeping a journal *should* be painful at times, but it should also bring out the best in you. Without it, you’re likely to be a business without a plan.
In my next article, we’ll look at the specific data and metrics you can include in your trading journal and how you can move from simple journaling to active planning.
http://www.trade2win.com/knowledge/articles/general%20articles/when-trading-journals-dont-work
Has trading got tougher lately? Let's find out...
By Brett Steenbarger
TradingMarkets.com
March 13, 2006 10:30 AM ET
Before I present some eye-opening findings, allow me to propose a thesis:
Every market has its personality, and that personality is defined by two traits: Volatility and Trendiness. A volatile market is one that moves a great deal from time period to time period. A trendy market is one that tends to move in the same direction from one period to the next. Over time, markets change their personalities, which is to say they change their volatility and trending. This is part of what makes markets so difficult to trade: just as traders adapt to one market personality, another is likely to take its place.
What we've seen in recent years in the S&P 500, however, is a personality change worthy of Jekyll and Hyde. I believe this accounts for the common perception among retail and professional traders alike that the recent period has been one of the most difficult on record to trade.
In fact, I can prove it.
For my investigation, I went back to January, 1934. I looked at two time periods in the Dow Jones Industrial Average: hourly (the first hour of the day) and daily and measured their volatility and trendiness. Both of these were measured as a 500 day moving average, which covers roughly two years of trading. Hourly volatility was measured as the absolute values of the price changes from the close of the previous day to the close of the first hour of the current day. I used first hour data only, since this is commonly the most volatile intraday period. Daily volatility also looked at the absolute value of price changes from the close of the prior day to the close of the current day.
To assess trendiness, I followed the methodology of my recent article. I examined the number of occasions in a moving 500 day period in which rising first hours (days) were preceded by rising last hours (days) or falling first hours (days) were preceded by falling last hours (days). Recall that, if we assume that the odds of a rise or decline are 50/50, we should average about 250 occasions out of 500 where a rise or decline continues into the next period.
First we'll start with volatility. Here is the chart for hourly volatility:
Now here is the chart for daily volatility:
As you can see, for all practical purposes they are identical. They show us three things:
1) current volatility has dropped considerably from the 2003 peak;
2) by historical standards today's volatility is below average, but not historically unusual; and
3) periods of low volatility can persist for considerable periods of time. Indeed, volatility could drop further and we still would not be at historic lows.
Now let's look at trendiness at an hourly level:
This absolutely floored me when I saw it. Notice that we were above the 250 level consistently from 1934 to 1976. Since 1976, however, the trending quality of the first hour has gone steadily downhill, to the point where we're now well below 250 at historic lows. For the first time in market history, this suggests, we are now *more* likely to fall in the first hour if the last hour of the prior day is up and vice versa.
This hourly pattern fits with the intraday studies on my research site. http://www.traderfeed.blogspot.com/
How about trendiness on a daily basis?
Once again, we see a very similar pattern. In the mid-1930s we saw some values below 250, but after that, up days were more likely to be followed by up days and down days by down days. This changed starting after 1976, and now we have been below 250 rather consistently. Instead of trending, markets are tending to reverse the direction of their prior period.
So let's put these findings together: We are seeing reduced volatility *and* we are seeing reduced trendiness. That means that traders are able to take less movement out of trades *and* they are less likely to see movement carry over from one period to the next. Is it any wonder that traders are experiencing such difficulty? We have never seen a market personality quite like this one, in which low volatility has also been accompanied by low trending.
But now the bad news. I've also performed historical studies of trendiness on a five-minute basis (reported on my research site). The proportion of trending occasions is nowhere near even the one-half level; it's more like one-third. That is because of the low volatility: a third of the time the market doesn't move at all (price stays constant) and another third of the time the market reverses. The short-term momentum trader is thus in the worst of all possible worlds, as low volatility produces a lack of movement and low trending produces a lack of follow-through on moves.
I believe traders--especially short-term traders of the stock indices--need to take these findings very seriously. To the extent that the loss of trending is created by increased arbitrage and program trading, there is no assurance that it will reverse. Moreover, we've seen that the loss of volatility in the market can also persist--and even get worse. To blindly hope that the market will "get better" is not a trading plan, much less the plan for a trading career.
The good news is that there are trading instruments with far higher levels of volatility and trendiness, and those include many individual stocks. (One look at this is on the Trader Performance page of my personal site). Note that this makes stock picking and portfolio selection more important than ever. There aren't any universal laws in trading, but this one might come close: Make sure the personality of what you trade fits with how you trade.
Brett N. Steenbarger, Ph.D. is Associate Clinical Professor of Psychiatry and Behavioral Sciences at SUNY Upstate Medical University in Syracuse, NY and author of The Psychology of Trading (Wiley, 2003). As Director of Trader Development for Kingstree Trading, LLC in Chicago, he has mentored numerous professional traders and coordinated a training program for traders. An active trader of the stock indexes, Brett utilizes statistically-based pattern recognition for intraday trading. Brett does not offer commercial services to traders, but maintains an archive of articles and a trading blog at www.brettsteenbarger.com and a blog of market analytics at www.traderfeed.blogspot.com. He is currently writing a book on the topics of trader development and the enhancement of trader performance due for publication this fall (Wiley).
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