Sunday, April 01, 2012 5:40:18 AM
The Gated Community Mentality
Tim Lane
By RICH BENJAMIN
Published: March 29, 2012
AS a black man who has been mugged at gunpoint by a black teenager late at night, I am not naïve: I know firsthand the awkward conundrums surrounding race, fear and crime. Trayvon Martin [ http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/m/trayvon_martin/index.html ]’s killing at the hands of George Zimmerman baffles this nation. While the youth’s supporters declare in solidarity “We are all Trayvon,” the question is raised, to what extent is the United States also all George Zimmerman?
Under assault, I didn’t dream of harming my teenage assailant, let alone taking his life.
Mr. Zimmerman reacted very differently, taking out his handgun and shooting the youth in cold blood.
What gives?
Welcome to gate-minded America.
From 2007 to 2009, I traveled 27,000 miles, living in predominantly white gated communities across this country to research a book. I threw myself into these communities with gusto — no Howard Johnson or Motel 6 for me. I borrowed or rented residents’ homes. From the red-rock canyons of southern Utah to the Waffle-House-pocked exurbs of north Georgia, I lived in gated communities as a black man, with a youthful style and face, to interview and observe residents.
The perverse, pervasive real-estate speak I heard in these communities champions a bunker mentality. Residents often expressed a fear of crime that was exaggerated beyond the actual criminal threat, as documented by their police department’s statistics. Since you can say “gated community” only so many times, developers hatched an array of Orwellian euphemisms to appease residents’ anxieties: “master-planned community,” “landscaped resort community,” “secluded intimate neighborhood.”
No matter the label, the product is the same: self-contained, conservative and overzealous in its demands for “safety.” Gated communities churn a vicious cycle by attracting like-minded residents who seek shelter from outsiders and whose physical seclusion then worsens paranoid groupthink against outsiders. These bunker communities remind me of those Matryoshka wooden dolls. A similar-object-within-a-similar-object serves as shelter; from community to subdivision to house, each unit relies on staggered forms of security and comfort, including town authorities, zoning practices, private security systems and personal firearms.
Residents’ palpable satisfaction with their communities’ virtue and their evident readiness to trumpet alarm at any given “threat” create a peculiar atmosphere — an unholy alliance of smugness and insecurity. In this us-versus-them mental landscape, them refers to new immigrants, blacks, young people, renters, non-property-owners and people perceived to be poor.
Mr. Zimmerman’s gated community, a 260-unit housing complex, sits in a racially mixed suburb of Orlando, Fla. Mr. Martin’s “suspicious” profile amounted to more than his black skin. He was profiled as young, loitering, non-property-owning and poor. Based on their actions, police officers clearly assumed Mr. Zimmerman was the private property owner and Mr. Martin the dangerous interloper. After all, why did the police treat Mr. Martin like a criminal, instead of Mr. Zimmerman, his assailant? Why was the black corpse tested for drugs and alcohol, but the living perpetrator wasn’t?
Across the United States, more than 10 million housing units are in gated communities, where access is “secured with walls or fences,” according to 2009 Census Bureau data. Roughly 10 percent of the occupied homes in this country are in gated communities, though that figure is misleadingly low because it doesn’t include temporarily vacant homes or second homes. Between 2001 and 2009, the United States saw a 53 percent growth in occupied housing units nestled in gated communities.
Another related trend contributed to this shooting: our increasingly privatized criminal justice system. The United States is becoming even more enamored with private ownership and decision making around policing, prisons and probation. Private companies champion private “security” services, alongside the private building and managing of prisons.
“Stand Your Ground [ http://www.leg.state.fl.us/statutes/index.cfm?App_mode=Display_Statute&Search_String=&URL=0700-0799/0776/Sections/0776.013.html ]” or “Shoot First” laws like Florida’s expand the so-called castle doctrine, which permits the use of deadly force for self-defense in one’s home, as long as the homeowner can prove deadly force was reasonable. Thirty-two states now permit expanded rights to self-defense.
In essence, laws nationwide sanction reckless vigilantism in the form of self-defense claims. A bunker mentality is codified by law.
Those reducing this tragedy to racism miss a more accurate and painful picture. Why is a child dead? The rise of “secure,” gated communities, private cops, private roads, private parks, private schools, private playgrounds — private, private, private —exacerbates biased treatment against the young, the colored and the presumably poor.
Rich Benjamin [ http://www.richbenjamin.com/ ] is the author of “Searching for Whitopia: An Improbable Journey to the Heart of White America [ http://www.amazon.com/Searching-Whitopia-Improbable-Journey-America/dp/1401322689 ]” and a senior fellow at Demos [ http://www.demos.org/ ], a nonpartisan research center.
*
Related in Opinion
Editorial: The Fatal Flaw in Florida-Style Gun Laws (March 30, 2012)
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/30/opinion/the-fatal-flaw-in-florida-style-gun-laws.html
Room for Debate: Killing, With the Law on Your Side (March 21, 2012)
http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2012/03/21/do-stand-your-ground-laws-encourage-vigilantes/
*
© 2012 The New York Times Company
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/30/opinion/the-gated-community-mentality.html
===
The Real Boundaries of the Bible Belt
Richard Florida
Mar 29, 2012
Religion in America has an unmistakable geographic dimension. Just released survey data [ http://www.gallup.com/poll/153479/Mississippi-Religious-State.aspx ] from the Gallup Organization documents the country’s well-defined "religiosity belt" which stretches across its southern tier.
The map charts state-by-state differences in Gallup's Religiosity Index, which is based on respondents’ answers to questions about the importance of religion to their everyday lives, and how often they attend religious services. The study notes that:
Residents of Southern states are generally the most religious, underscoring the validity of the "Bible Belt" sobriquet often used to describe this region. Coupled with the Southern states in the high-religiosity category is Utah, the majority of whose residents are Mormon -- the most religious group in America today. On the other hand, residents of New England and a number of far Western states tend to be the least religious.
With the help of my Martin Prosperity Institute [ http://martinprosperity.org/ ] colleague Charlotta Mellander, I took a look at some of the key economic, cultural, and demographic factors that might be correlated with religiosity on a state-by-state basis. Our analysis focuses on the percent of state residents Gallup classifies as "very religious." As usual, I note that correlation only suggests associations between variables; it does not imply what causes what. An additional caveat should be kept in mind: Gallup notes that its research suggests that religiosity is only loosely related to demographic factors and is more closely tied to specific state subcultures.
That said, religion remains a key fault line in American life.
Gallup notes the relationship between religious intensity and American voting patterns, with the most religious states generally skewing Republican and the least religious trending Democrat. Our own analysis bears this out. We found a substantial positive correlation between religiosity and the percent of state residents that voted for McCain (.67) and consider themselves conservative (.78), and a substantial negative one between religiosity and the percent of residents who voted for Obama (-.64) and consider themselves liberal (-.75).
Religion also conforms to the faultiness of socio-economic class across U.S. states, hewing closely to its three key dimensions - income, education and occupation.
Religiosity is higher in lower income states where poverty is prevalent. The share of state residents who say religion is very important to their daily lives is correlated with the poverty rate (.60) and negatively associated with state income levels (-.56).
Education plays a role. Religiosity is higher in less educated states, and negatively associated with the share of state residents that are college grads (-.55).
Religion is also associated with the types of work people do. Religiosity is positively associated with the share of working class jobs (.61) and negatively associated with the share of workers doing knowledge, profession and creative work (-.38).
These findings are in line with those of political scientist Ronald Ingelhart [ http://www.lsa.umich.edu/polisci/people/ci.inglehartronald_ci.detail ], whose detailed World Values Surveys [ http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/ ] identify the shift from religious to secular values as one part of the transition to more economically advanced [ http://www.twq.com/Winter00/231Inglehart.Pdf ] societies.
Politicos on the left and right like to explain religious voters' proclivity purely in terms of values. But this misses a central point - that religion is inextricably bound up with the nation's underlying economic and geographic class divide.
Copyright 2012 The Atlantic Media Company
http://www.theatlanticcities.com/politics/2012/03/real-boundaries-bible-belt/1617/ [with comments]
===
(linked in) http://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=73857483 and preceding (and any future following)
Tim Lane
By RICH BENJAMIN
Published: March 29, 2012
AS a black man who has been mugged at gunpoint by a black teenager late at night, I am not naïve: I know firsthand the awkward conundrums surrounding race, fear and crime. Trayvon Martin [ http://topics.nytimes.com/top/reference/timestopics/people/m/trayvon_martin/index.html ]’s killing at the hands of George Zimmerman baffles this nation. While the youth’s supporters declare in solidarity “We are all Trayvon,” the question is raised, to what extent is the United States also all George Zimmerman?
Under assault, I didn’t dream of harming my teenage assailant, let alone taking his life.
Mr. Zimmerman reacted very differently, taking out his handgun and shooting the youth in cold blood.
What gives?
Welcome to gate-minded America.
From 2007 to 2009, I traveled 27,000 miles, living in predominantly white gated communities across this country to research a book. I threw myself into these communities with gusto — no Howard Johnson or Motel 6 for me. I borrowed or rented residents’ homes. From the red-rock canyons of southern Utah to the Waffle-House-pocked exurbs of north Georgia, I lived in gated communities as a black man, with a youthful style and face, to interview and observe residents.
The perverse, pervasive real-estate speak I heard in these communities champions a bunker mentality. Residents often expressed a fear of crime that was exaggerated beyond the actual criminal threat, as documented by their police department’s statistics. Since you can say “gated community” only so many times, developers hatched an array of Orwellian euphemisms to appease residents’ anxieties: “master-planned community,” “landscaped resort community,” “secluded intimate neighborhood.”
No matter the label, the product is the same: self-contained, conservative and overzealous in its demands for “safety.” Gated communities churn a vicious cycle by attracting like-minded residents who seek shelter from outsiders and whose physical seclusion then worsens paranoid groupthink against outsiders. These bunker communities remind me of those Matryoshka wooden dolls. A similar-object-within-a-similar-object serves as shelter; from community to subdivision to house, each unit relies on staggered forms of security and comfort, including town authorities, zoning practices, private security systems and personal firearms.
Residents’ palpable satisfaction with their communities’ virtue and their evident readiness to trumpet alarm at any given “threat” create a peculiar atmosphere — an unholy alliance of smugness and insecurity. In this us-versus-them mental landscape, them refers to new immigrants, blacks, young people, renters, non-property-owners and people perceived to be poor.
Mr. Zimmerman’s gated community, a 260-unit housing complex, sits in a racially mixed suburb of Orlando, Fla. Mr. Martin’s “suspicious” profile amounted to more than his black skin. He was profiled as young, loitering, non-property-owning and poor. Based on their actions, police officers clearly assumed Mr. Zimmerman was the private property owner and Mr. Martin the dangerous interloper. After all, why did the police treat Mr. Martin like a criminal, instead of Mr. Zimmerman, his assailant? Why was the black corpse tested for drugs and alcohol, but the living perpetrator wasn’t?
Across the United States, more than 10 million housing units are in gated communities, where access is “secured with walls or fences,” according to 2009 Census Bureau data. Roughly 10 percent of the occupied homes in this country are in gated communities, though that figure is misleadingly low because it doesn’t include temporarily vacant homes or second homes. Between 2001 and 2009, the United States saw a 53 percent growth in occupied housing units nestled in gated communities.
Another related trend contributed to this shooting: our increasingly privatized criminal justice system. The United States is becoming even more enamored with private ownership and decision making around policing, prisons and probation. Private companies champion private “security” services, alongside the private building and managing of prisons.
“Stand Your Ground [ http://www.leg.state.fl.us/statutes/index.cfm?App_mode=Display_Statute&Search_String=&URL=0700-0799/0776/Sections/0776.013.html ]” or “Shoot First” laws like Florida’s expand the so-called castle doctrine, which permits the use of deadly force for self-defense in one’s home, as long as the homeowner can prove deadly force was reasonable. Thirty-two states now permit expanded rights to self-defense.
In essence, laws nationwide sanction reckless vigilantism in the form of self-defense claims. A bunker mentality is codified by law.
Those reducing this tragedy to racism miss a more accurate and painful picture. Why is a child dead? The rise of “secure,” gated communities, private cops, private roads, private parks, private schools, private playgrounds — private, private, private —exacerbates biased treatment against the young, the colored and the presumably poor.
Rich Benjamin [ http://www.richbenjamin.com/ ] is the author of “Searching for Whitopia: An Improbable Journey to the Heart of White America [ http://www.amazon.com/Searching-Whitopia-Improbable-Journey-America/dp/1401322689 ]” and a senior fellow at Demos [ http://www.demos.org/ ], a nonpartisan research center.
*
Related in Opinion
Editorial: The Fatal Flaw in Florida-Style Gun Laws (March 30, 2012)
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/30/opinion/the-fatal-flaw-in-florida-style-gun-laws.html
Room for Debate: Killing, With the Law on Your Side (March 21, 2012)
http://www.nytimes.com/roomfordebate/2012/03/21/do-stand-your-ground-laws-encourage-vigilantes/
*
© 2012 The New York Times Company
http://www.nytimes.com/2012/03/30/opinion/the-gated-community-mentality.html
===
The Real Boundaries of the Bible Belt
Richard Florida
Mar 29, 2012
Religion in America has an unmistakable geographic dimension. Just released survey data [ http://www.gallup.com/poll/153479/Mississippi-Religious-State.aspx ] from the Gallup Organization documents the country’s well-defined "religiosity belt" which stretches across its southern tier.
The map charts state-by-state differences in Gallup's Religiosity Index, which is based on respondents’ answers to questions about the importance of religion to their everyday lives, and how often they attend religious services. The study notes that:
Residents of Southern states are generally the most religious, underscoring the validity of the "Bible Belt" sobriquet often used to describe this region. Coupled with the Southern states in the high-religiosity category is Utah, the majority of whose residents are Mormon -- the most religious group in America today. On the other hand, residents of New England and a number of far Western states tend to be the least religious.
With the help of my Martin Prosperity Institute [ http://martinprosperity.org/ ] colleague Charlotta Mellander, I took a look at some of the key economic, cultural, and demographic factors that might be correlated with religiosity on a state-by-state basis. Our analysis focuses on the percent of state residents Gallup classifies as "very religious." As usual, I note that correlation only suggests associations between variables; it does not imply what causes what. An additional caveat should be kept in mind: Gallup notes that its research suggests that religiosity is only loosely related to demographic factors and is more closely tied to specific state subcultures.
That said, religion remains a key fault line in American life.
Gallup notes the relationship between religious intensity and American voting patterns, with the most religious states generally skewing Republican and the least religious trending Democrat. Our own analysis bears this out. We found a substantial positive correlation between religiosity and the percent of state residents that voted for McCain (.67) and consider themselves conservative (.78), and a substantial negative one between religiosity and the percent of residents who voted for Obama (-.64) and consider themselves liberal (-.75).
Religion also conforms to the faultiness of socio-economic class across U.S. states, hewing closely to its three key dimensions - income, education and occupation.
Religiosity is higher in lower income states where poverty is prevalent. The share of state residents who say religion is very important to their daily lives is correlated with the poverty rate (.60) and negatively associated with state income levels (-.56).
Education plays a role. Religiosity is higher in less educated states, and negatively associated with the share of state residents that are college grads (-.55).
Religion is also associated with the types of work people do. Religiosity is positively associated with the share of working class jobs (.61) and negatively associated with the share of workers doing knowledge, profession and creative work (-.38).
These findings are in line with those of political scientist Ronald Ingelhart [ http://www.lsa.umich.edu/polisci/people/ci.inglehartronald_ci.detail ], whose detailed World Values Surveys [ http://www.worldvaluessurvey.org/ ] identify the shift from religious to secular values as one part of the transition to more economically advanced [ http://www.twq.com/Winter00/231Inglehart.Pdf ] societies.
Politicos on the left and right like to explain religious voters' proclivity purely in terms of values. But this misses a central point - that religion is inextricably bound up with the nation's underlying economic and geographic class divide.
Copyright 2012 The Atlantic Media Company
http://www.theatlanticcities.com/politics/2012/03/real-boundaries-bible-belt/1617/ [with comments]
===
(linked in) http://investorshub.advfn.com/boards/read_msg.aspx?message_id=73857483 and preceding (and any future following)
Greensburg, KS - 5/4/07
"Eternal vigilance is the price of Liberty."
from John Philpot Curran, Speech
upon the Right of Election, 1790
F6
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